prince, touching his delivering up the earl of Rich- A. C. 148 mond.

Rymer.

princes in

Those measures being takeng Richard is faid to Death of have compaffed the death of his two nephews in the the young Tower: and, in order to avoid the fufpicion of be- the Tower, ing concerned in this tragedy, to have made a progrefs through feveral counties, on pretence of reforming the abuses which had crept into the adminiftration of justice. In the course of this circuit he refided fome time at Gloucester, which he affected to favour as the place from which he derived his title. He was accompanied by the duke of Buckingham, who now feemed to think his fervices could never be fufficiently recompenced, and was become fo arrogant, that the king found it neceffary to humble his pride. The first opportunity that offered, Richard treated him fupercilioufly, and even refused him fome little favours he had occafion to afk; for, with regard to the eftate of Hereford, which fome hiftorians have made the cause of this difference, it appears, by a grant of Richard, mentioned by Dugdale, that the duke had actually received all the lands he could have reasonably claimed as belonging to that family from which he was de fcended. In all probability therefore, he took umbrage at fome other repulse or mortifying flight; and having obtained permiffion to go and regulate his domeftic affairs, retired in difguft to his caftle of Brecknock. After his departure, the king proceeded to the execution of the scheme he had projected for making away with his nephews in the Tower. He had founded Brakenbury the governor upon this fubject; and finding him too confcientious to be concerned in the perpetration of fuch a cruel murder, he employed Sir James Tyrrel, who had acted as affaffin- general during the reign of Edward IV. under the title of vice-conftable, by

virtue

A. C. 1483. virtue of a commiffion, impowering him to take cognizance of all cafes of treafon; and, upon a bare infpection of the fact, fee juftice immediately executed upon the criminal, without noife, form of trial, or appeal. This murdering commiffion was renewed by Richard; and Tyrrel having received his inftructions, found access to the Tower, where he is faid to have taken away the lives of the innocent princes, by the hands of two ruffians, who fmothered them in their beds, and buried their bodies under a staircase. This is the account given by Sir Thomas More, which ought to be read with caution, because written in the subsequent reign, when every hiftorian and writer endeavoured to infinuate himself into the favour of Henry, by blackening the character of his predeceffor. True it is Tyrrel is faid to have confeffed the fact, when he was arrested for treafon against Henry; but very little dependence ought to be placed on extorted confeffions. At this period, the two young princes certainly disappeared: and in the reign of Charles II. the workmen employed in repairing that part of the Tower, found the bones of a small human skeleton, which were interred in Westminster-Abbey, as the remains of those two unhappy princes. If they were put to death at this juncture, Richard must have acted from mere wantonnefs of barbarity; for his throne feemed to be ftrongly established, the whole kingdom was quiet, all the partifans of Edward's children were crushed and ruined, and the children themselves declared illegitimate. Perhaps young Edward, who was of a weakly conftitution, died of grief and terror, with which he certainly was overwhelmed from the moment of his depofition; and his brother the duke of York was conveyed beyond fea, where he lived fome time in obfcurity, and afterwards appeared as a pretender to the English crown. Even this conjecture is attended

with material objections.
objections. Had Edward died of a 4, C. 1483-
natural death, Richard would have found his ac-
count in publishing his fate to the world, and honour-
ing the body with a magnificent funeral. If the
duke of York had efcaped into Flanders, his aunt
the dutchess of Burgundy would naturally have
owned him as fuch from the beginning, that there
might be no doubt of his birth and quality in the
fequel, when an opportunity fhould offer to affert
his pretenfions. After all, when we confider the
fanguinary difpofition of Richard, and the mysteri-
ous disappearance of the two princes, we cannot
pretend to acquit him of the imputation which
hath been fixed upon his memory; notwithstanding
all the pains which have been taken to gild over his
character, by Buck, who was, in all refpects a moft
despicable hifterian, and seems to have commenced
the panegyrift of Richard, because one of his an-
ceftors was engaged in the fervice of that inhuman
tyrant. We are told by Sir Thomas More, that
although Richard expreffed great joy when Tyrrel
gave him to understand his order was executed on
the two princes, he was afterwards haunted by the
furies of remorfe; that he often started from his
fleep in the utmost trepidation; that he frequently
rolled his eyes, bit his lip, and fumbled with his
dagger, exhibiting in his countenance and de-
meanour all the marks of terror and diftruft.

fon is crea

It must be owned however that the king, in his Richard's progrefs, adminiftred juftice with great impartiality; ted prince of and, by an unwearied attention to the intereft of Wales, his fubjects, feemed bent upon making an atone. ment for the blood through which he had waded to the throne. From Gloucefter he repaired to York, where he had the fatisfaction of receiving Geoffrey de Safiola, ambaffador from Spain, whom Ferdinand and Ifabella had fent on purpose to renew the antient alliance between Caftile and England.

2

He

A. C. 1483. He was fo well pleafed to find himself acknowledged by that princefs, who was defcended from the house of Lancafter, that he knighted and careffed the ambaffador: he wrote very affectionate and refpectful letters to their catholic majefties, and even to their minifters. While Richard refided at York he was a fecond time crowned in the cathe-. dral of that city; and his fon, a boy ten years of age, was created prince of Wales with the ufual folemnities. Here too he received the tidings of the death of Lewis XI. king of France, who was fucceeded by his only fon Charles VIII. a minor, under the guardianfhip of his fifter Anne, wife of Peter de Bourbon, lord of Beaujeu: but the duke of Orleans, as first prince of the blood, difputed the regency with her; and this conteft produced fuch troubles in the French court as hindered the renewal or confirmation of the truce with England, which Richard eagerly follicited.

The duke of Buckingham, and

contrive a

fcheme in favour of

the earl of

While the king enjoyed these events at York, the duke of Buckingham brewed a storm against Morton bi- him, big with danger and expectation. That nohop of Ely, bleman, who was naturally loud, imperious, and indifcreet, had not spent many days at Brecknock, when his difcontent and hatred towards Richard Richmond, were perceived by his prisoner, Moreton bishop of Ely, a prelate of fingular penetration and addrefs. He had formerly been a zealous partifan of the houfe of Lancafter, but yielded to the torrent at the acceffion of Edward, who found him useful in his affairs, and appointed him a member of his council. He ftill retained the warmeft inclinations for the Lancaftrian intereft; and perceiving the refentment of Buckingham, infinuated himfelf into his confidence, by reviling Richard, whom he detefted as a tyrant and a ruffian, who, not contented with having fhed the best blood of the nobility, and ufired the crown, had now completed his inhu

г

3

manity

1

manity with the murder of the two innocent princes. A. C. 1483°
Buckingham, in the tranfports of his paffion, de-
nounced vengeance against this monster of barba-
rity and ingratitude; and Morton is faid to have ad-
vifed him to claim the crown in his own right, as
defcended from Anne, daughter of Thomas de
Wodestoke, earl of Gloucefter, and third fon of
the third Edward; but the duke, foreseeing that
in fuch a cafe the friends of Henry earl of Rich-
mond would join the houfe of York against him,
declined following the bishop's advice, and declared
in favour of that nobleman, who was the true heir
of the houfe of Lancafter. He proposed that
Henry fhould efpouse Elizabeth, eldest daughter of
Edward IV. and by this alliance reunite the two
houfes in his favour. The bishop relished the ex-
pedient, as a scheme conformable to justice, that
in all probability would effectually extinguish the
embers of thofe civil wars by which the kingdom
had been fo long harraffed and depopulated. Hen-
ry earl of Richmond was the fon of a Welshman,
as we have already observed; but his mother Mar-
garet was daughter of John de Beaufort, duke of
Somerfet, and grandfon of John of Ghent, duke of
Lancafter. Margaret's father, dying without male
iffue, his younger brother Edmund fucceeded to his
title; but he and all his pofterity being destroyed
in the civil war, Margaret and her fon were the only
furviving branches of that family, and confequently
the heirs of the house of Lancaster. Nevertheless,
their title was liable to one great objection: They
were defcended from Catherine Swinford, who had
been concubine to John of Ghent; and although
her children were declared legitimate by act of par-
liament, and capable of inheriting titles and eftates,
they were not allowed to affume the name of Plan-
tagenet; nor did the act of their legitimation ex-
tend to their being rendered capable of fucceeding

No. 44.

3