The

most openly afforded to the partisans of the Faith, and the approaching Congress at Verona, where the actual state of the Peninsula was to be taken into the serious consideration of that august conclave, naturally fixed the attention of the people of France, and we may add of Europe, upon the question of peace or war. Every thing seemed to announce that the French Government was preparing for the latter. Minister of Marine had visited the ports of the Channel, and given orders for equipping and manning a number of ships of war; considerable reinforcements had been sent to the sanatary cordon, now converted into an army of observation; 40,000 men of the class of 1822 were called out, and the utmost exertions were used to improve the condition and discipline of the troops. It was well known, that as a member of the Holy Alliance, France could not declare war upon Spain without the concurrence at least, if not the support, of the other great powers; but it was equally well understood, that, with the exception of Britain, the new order of things in Spain was viewed by the other members of the Alliance with as much hatred as by France, and no obstruction was likely to arise in that quarter. The news which daily arrived, after Congress had met, confirmed these anticipations. Britain alone, as we shall see when we come to give an account of the proceedings of the Congress, declined to become a party to any measure of aggression against Spain, and appeared in the character of a mediator. But it was soon perceived, that the negative line of policy which she thought proper to adopt on this occasion, would not present any insurmountable barrier to the object which, with the French Ultras, was

paramount to all others; namely, the subversion of the constitution of Cadiz, and the restoration of Ferdinand VII. to that uncontrolled power which he possessed before the revolution of 1820.

In the meantime, a remarkable schism took place among the royalist party, hitherto so closely united in principle and in policy. According to the expression of an accredited journal *, they were divided into "politicians" and "fanatics," the latter wishing for war without consideration and without delay, the former balancing the motives and the dangers against the hopes and the advantages. The liberal and impartial part of mankind will probably consider this schism more apparent than real, since there was one great subject on which both sides, however they might differ in the matter of prudence and political calculation, were entirely at one; we mean, in a thorough and prevailing hatred of liberty.

We will not anticipate here the proceedings of Congress in relation to the state of Spain. It is sufficient to mention, that Viscount de Montmorency, leaving his colleagues (MM. de Chateaubriand, De la Ferronays, and De Caraman) at Verona, returned to Paris on the 30th of November, to render an account of his mission, and to obtain the adhesion of the French Cabinet to the arrangements agreed upon at Verona, particularly the simultaneous recall of the Ministers of all the great allied powers. This proposal was strongly opposed by the President of the Council of Ministers, who represented, that if the affair was left to France, she had a right to manage it in her own way; that she ought not to be required to take, in concert with other powers, measures which, instead of attaining her object, might place it at a

greater distance than ever; and that, above all, she ought not to be obliged to pursue a course, which, by breaking off abruptly the negociations, destroyed every hope of arriving at a pacific result. M. de Villèle was, therefore, of opinion, that the declarations of the allied powers should be followed up by still more energetic remonstrances on the part of France, and that M. de la Garde should be allowed to continue for some time longer at Madrid, to wait the result. On the other hand, M. de Montmorency wished to act in conjunction with the other powers, by recalling the French Minister from the Court of Madrid, as had been agreed upon at Verona, where he had given a pledge to this effect, under his own personal responsibility. There was no difference of opinion in regard to the principles laid down at Congress; the only point was the form of the declaration; and after a great deal of discussion, and remaining for some time undecided, the Council at length, on the 25th of December, declared in favour of the course recommended by M. de Villèle. This led to the immediate resignation of M. de Montmorency, notwithstanding, on his arrival from Verona, and rendering an account of his mission, his Majesty had been so highly pleased with his

conduct at Congress, that he raised him to the highest grade of the peerage, by creating him a Duke, in testimony of the services which he had just rendered the Crown.

As is usual upon such occasions, considerable speculation was for some days afloat, as to who would be fixed upon as the Duke de Montmorency's successor in the department of Foreign Affairs. But conjecture was soon set at rest by a royal ordonnance, dated the 28th of December, appointing M. de Chateaubriand to the vacant office. This personage, who has acquired wonderful celebrity in France, by a turgid and declamatory book on the Evidences of the Christian Religion, was probably indebted for his promotion to the intimate connection which subsisted between him and the President of the Council of Ministers, conjoined with the furious Ultraism for which he had made himself so notorious. For some time he coquetted with his appointment, expressing a wish that he would be permitted to refuse the distinguished honour which his Majesty had proposed to confer; but at length he suffered himself to be persuaded of the propriety of acceptance, and became Minister for Foreign Affairs.

THE year 1822 opened, in Spain, amid the most perilous collision of the contending factions. Both were in a state of partial indeed, but open rebellion against the Executive Government. On one side, the great democratic cities of the south, with Cadiz and Seville at their head, openly refused to obey a Ministry whom they considered as hostile to the constitutional system, or at least as incapable of maintaining it in due vigour. On the other hand, their deadly opponents, the Defenders of the Faith, were already, in the northern provinces, mustering that insurrection, which was destined soon to become so formidable. The excesses daily committed by the respective parties more and more exasperated each against the other, and served continually as fuel and motive to fresh corresponding excesses.

Be

tween those contending factions was the King, studiously seeking to para

lyse his own Government, leagued in heart with the rebels against it, and earnestly labouring to make its evils more glaring, in order to re-establish on its ruins his own absolute sway.

The most urgent and formidable symptom was the state of the refrac tory cities, which openly resisted the Ministry, and even the mandate of the Cortes, by which they were called upon to obey it. The new commandants and political chiefs ar. rived at Seville and Cadiz; and the existing authorities there shewed at first a disposition to admit them. At Cadiz, Jauregui announced to the city his successors, whom he loaded with panegyrics, particularly extolling the uniform attachment which they had manifested to the constitution. Next day, however, he proclaimed, that the execution of the ministerial order was suspended,

on account of representations made by this community to the authori

ties." In fact, the violent democratic partisans had taken the alarm, and called together their adherents. Having formed a numerous assemblage, they held their sitting in the open square of the constitution, where they voted that no obedience should be paid to the orders of the present administration. The authorities, not perhaps very loth, held themselves under the necessity of acquiescing. Notice of these proceedings was instantly sent to Seville, with an invitation to that city to concur in a similar course. The Exaltados there, under a daring leader of the name of Regato, were abundantly forward in accepting the challenge. Velasco, the commandant, was disposed to obey his orders, but Escovado, the political chief, supported a contrary course; and Velasco felt, that by yielding he would • lose the confidence of his party, and might even expose himself to personal danger. Seville therefore maintained an attitude of resistance. The Marquis of Campoverde, and Don Moreno Daoix, who had been appointed to suppress the disorder, pansed at Cordova, dreading to provoke a contest, which must be disastrous, and might be perilous.

In this rebellious system, Seville and Cadiz were cheered by all the great cities, who assured them of their determination to follow the same course, whenever they should be put to the trial. Valencia, in particular, made itself conspicuous by tumultuary zeal in the cause. A large multitude being assembled, and harangued from the stone of the constitution, the political chief was called upon, in a manner in which he could not safely resist, to assemble the municipality, for the purpose of framing an address. The municipality being called, an address ready made was immediately presented, and

though the most violent of any yet drawn up, was carried by acclamation. Besides concurring in the censures upon Ministers, and in approbation of the conduct of Cadiz, it dwelt with peculiar bitterness on the delay in the execution of the sentence pronounced in the former year against Elio, and concluded by open threats of war, declaring that Valencia "would obey no authority opposed to its ardent wishes, and would admit no middle term between liberty and death."

Catalonia might be considered as the head quarters of both parties; liberalism in its utmost extreme prevailing in the great towns, while the rugged mountains of the interior prepared already the germ of a terrible royalist insurrection. Barcelona, lately desolated by pestilence, was beginning to collect its inhabitants, and resume its flourishing aspect; yet though just emerged from such calamities, it hesitated not to throw itself into the career of political contention. This disposition was put to the trial by the appearance of Villacampa, with a commission from the Ministry to assume the military command; and though his constitutional character was unexceptionable, the city made not a moment's hesitation in disobedience. Villacampa, unwilling to come to extremities, took post at a little distance from the city, endeavouring to prevent the disaffection from spreading, and to induce the inhabitants to submit. All the militia, however, drew up; and being reinforced by the regiment of Cordova, which came over to their side, they mustered 8000 men in arms, and set at defiance all attempts to reduce them by force. They now resolved that they would not obey any order of Ministers, and that the city should be declared independent till the removal of that body. They conclud

ed by proclaiming this, "the glorious day of Barcelona." No outrage, however, took place, though it was at one time apprehended.

Amid these agitations and tumultuary demands, the King remained for a long time obstinate in refusing to dismiss his Ministers, or even to accept their repeatedly proffered re signation. It was understood, that at a meeting of the Council of State, a majority, with Castanos at their head, voted in favour of this opinion. They urged, no doubt with some plausibility, that the mode in which the removal was demanded, afforded alone a sufficient motive for refusing it; and added, that the vote of the Cortes against Ministers had been entirely the work of a faction. On the other hand, it was represented, that the state of the nation was urgent; and that in all representative governments, the Sovereign was under the occasional necessity of sacrificing Ministers, who could not command a majority in the national assembly. At a subsequent meeting, the latter arguments, enforced by the continued gloomy aspect of public affairs, prevailed. On the 17th January Ferdinand announced to the Cortes, that he had accepted the resignation of his Ministers, marking, however, his discontent, by declaring that he was satisfied with their services, their attachment to the constitution, their loyalty to his person, and their zeal for the public welfare.

This concession on the part of the Crown was speedily followed by the pacification of all the revolted cities. The submission of several, indeed, had preceded the change. Corunna was the first, where Mina, without hesitation, made way for the successor appointed to him. Indeed, the general spirit of Gallicia ran in quite a contrary direction. At Lugo and Orense, where the democratic chiefs

made attempts at resistance, the po pulace rose, broke their windows, and their lives even were with difficulty saved. At Cadiz, on the 10th of January, Jauregui resigned his place to Romanti, who had been appointed his successor. The change did not take place without open clamour on the part of a great body of the citizens, which however he exerted himself in suppressing. This intelligence he transmitted to the Cortes, accompanied with a defence of his conduct, which, on the 17th, was referred to a committee. Seville continued still in open rebellion till, on the 11th of February, tranquillity was at last restored there, and the new authorities acknowledged. The conduct of Escovado, the late political chief, became also a subject of inquiry to the Cortes; but both he and Jauregui were, prudently perhaps, acquitted by the report of the committee. In the other great cities, the fall of the Ministry was celebrated as a signal triumph; but they nevertheless professed their readiness to obey whatever orders might emanate from the succeeding administration.

The King remained for some time in suspense as to the choice of a Ministry, and the Cortes do not appear to have taken any steps tending towards dictation. Without attempting to introduce any decided friends of his own, he looked from the first only to the moderate among the constitutional leaders. Martinez de la Rosa, the Conde de Toreno, and Calatrava, were mentioned as in this view having the best claims. length the first of these obtained the preference, and was left to form a Ministry out of his own immediate adherents. The new Minister, and the whole of the moderate constitutional party to which he belonged, were exposed at this time to considerable odium, in consequence of propo

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