down to study black letter during the to a madman, but the Honourable summer [a laugh].

Gentleman himself was an abhorrer, and an abhorrer could not reason.

Mr. GURNEY assured the Hon. and Learned Gentleman that he did not mean to betray, even in appearance, a want of courtesy to him.

Mr. T. COURTENAY said, he had been amongst the opponents of the Bill, but if any thing would have in

Mr. H. GURNEY said, he hoped the Honourable and Learned Gentleman would duly consider the state of the Poor Laws before he attempted to interfere with them. He could not help thinking that the principle of the Bill was absurd and injurious. The object of the Bill was to prevent marriages; it went on the vicious princi-duced him to be ashamed of his conple laid down by Mr. Malthus, a principle which was against the laws of nature, and which, if acted on, would not leave an Englishman to till the ground which maintained his forefathers. He hoped that the House would not be insulted by any of Mr. Malthus's friends attempting to force upon them the adoption of his system. A violent attempt to subvert the Poor Laws was more worthy a raving madman than a Legislator.

viction, it would be the praises which had been bestowed on those who had taken the same course as himself. He hoped the Honourable and Learned Gentleman would bring in a Bill next Session on the principle of modifica. tion and limitation, instead of abolition.

Mr. HARBORD said the House seemed too much disposed to hear every thing on one side, viz. in praise of the Bill. Though he was not disposed to urge arguments against a measure which had been withdrawn, he should say that he disapproved of the principle of it, though he was disposed to thank the Honourable and Learned Gentleman for having called their attentions to what was certainly a subject of great importance.

Dr. LUSHINGTON said, that if he thought the Bill went to interfere with the real comforts of the poor, he would not give it his support, but he looked upon the Bill as a measure likely to remove the causes of their degradation, and to promote their real independence. The Hoh. Member had said that the Bill was a measure to Mr. F. PALMER considered the Poor prevent marriages; it was no such Laws as the chartered rights of the thing, it was a Bill to take away undue poor, and hoped the House would encouragement to improvident mar-pause before it consented to touch riages.

Mr. F. PALMER rose, when

them, and inquire seriously into the condition of the labouring classes. Mr. SCARLETT said, that he had He was persuaded there was not a avoided all argument on the measure, single Member who was acquainted and he thought it unfair, after he had with the 'wages and outgoings of a waived his right, for Honourable Gen-labouring man, so as to be able to tlemen to open a debate and to mis- know whether, if in full work, he represent the principles and objects would be able to support a family. of the Bill. He might be assimilated At the end of the last Session he had

obtained an account, of 300 poor families from a friend of his, who had employed himself in obtaining them, and the wages were then not enough to support a family. He had himself laboured during the last six weeks to obtain information on the same subject, and he hoped the House, would take no step without the fullest in quiry.

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least provision was made for them, they were in the best condition. In reply to the observation of the Honourable Member for Reading (Mr. F.! Palmer), he observed, that the Poor Rates kept down the wages of labour, 1 and that at the present moment, in ↑ many of the agricultural counties, when from the rise in the value of money, the wages heretofore paid would have been sufficient to support a family, instead of the poors' rates having been reduced, wages had been

Mr. MONCK said he felt it was necessary to take some step on the subject of the Poor Laws, and he would go So far as to say that he should be reduced, the subsistence of the la satisfied with nothing but their total, though gradual abolition. But before he consented to such a measure, he should deem it necessary to demand in the name of the people, the redress of several grievances, which it was not necessary for him now to detail, but he particularly alluded to the Corn Law.

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bourer being still supplied in the degrading shape of alms. This system would go on till it was checked by some such measure as he had proposed. Ass to popularity, though her wished to obtain it, he would not purchase it by sacrificing the interests of the country, and he hoped it would not be said, of any legislator as of a comic Poet

Mr. SCARLETT said, it was necessary to state that he had never proposed to go so far as to deny provision to the infirm and aged indigent poor. His feelings were in favour of such a provision, though there were strong authorities, and he would mention one of a person who would not be considered by the Honourable Gentleman The public will, I faney, con- (Mr. H. Gurney) a raving madman; cur perfectly with MR. GURNEY, a term which he supposed the Honour-which, however, must be regarded able Gentleman had applied, not to him (Mr. S.) personally, but to all who differed from the Hon. Gentleman in opinion on the subject of the Poor Laws. The authority to which he referred was that of Dr. Franklin, who said, that in those countries in which the greatest public provision was made for the poor, they were in the worst condition, and in those countries where

After this followed some Latin (or, at least, I suppose it was), which, I dare say, the reader would hardly think worth the room that would be required for itsTM insertion.

as a misfortune by that gentleman, if he should happen to be of the same taste as Mr. COURTENAY, who, if Mr. Perry have fairly reported him, is “ashamed "of his conviction," on account of his having, with others, been praised for his opposition to the

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The Lawyer said, that he was aware that much had been written in order to inflame the public mind on this subject." Who has written it? I know of nobody but myself that has reprobated the Bill out of doors." To

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bill. Bless us! We have got different sort of bill from this. an extremely fastidious law-giver So that this bill, let it be underin the person of Mr. T. COURTE-stood, is dead as a door nail. NAY. He would do good by "stealth," and he blushes to "find it fame." But, is this rare person, T. Courtenay, or P. Courtenay; or is it T. P. or P. T.? Or, who is he, or what is he, or is there two or more of them? For I see the changes be sure I have written much about rung upon these letters put before this Bill; but nothing to inflame'; the name of Courtenay. Is it the except facts and arguments are same person that was (and, I sup-inflammable; and if facts and pose, is) a distinguished member arguments be such as to inflame of that famous Royal Commission, the public mind, the public mind who have been rather better than ought to be inflamed. To deny two years and a quarter seeking this is to take from words a great for an inimitable note as anxious-part of their use, which, I suppose, ly as Glory has been seeking for is hardly to be done out of a public, and who imported a mere complaisance to Lawyer company of Yankees to furnish SCARLETT. I was particularly the Mother Country" with careful in my onset upon this Bill, money? Waiting to know who this our modest gentleman is, I

now come to a personage who has not that sin to answer for at any rate, namely, Lawyer Scar

lett.

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in my letter to Mr. HAYES, to take no unfair advantage of the Lawyer. I did not set out with any hypocritical professions of candour, and of personal respect. for the author of the Bill. I began by saying in so many words, "I hate Lawyer SCARLETT,

mind; therefore, let the reader

The Lawyer began by saying, that he never had hoped to carry the bill this session; but, that he would bring it on next session. In" be upon his guard, and, in this the meanwhile this bill is dead. If" case, believe nothing upon my he bring in a bill it must be "assertion or my opinion." Noanother bill; and the next bill, thing could be fairer than this. too, is, it appears, to be a very It was giving to the man I hated

every possible advantage. There- and whether I should choose to fore, if I inflame the public mind, exercise it or not, was a point rehow bad must his measure have ferable solely to my own feelings. been! Having accomplished these purBesides it was not from with-poses, I cared very little about out, but from within, that the the decision of the "Great CounLawyer met with the loudest op"cil of the Nation." The truth position; and there my attacks on is, and I will not disguise it, that the Bill was the very thing that I wished the Bill to pass, just as it he ought to have desired; for, I was brought in in the first place; believe most sincerely, that my just as the Lawyer's thirty years ●pposition to the measure would study of the poor laws had producbe a reason for supporting it with ed it, in his mind; for I well knew forty against one of that assem- that it would not live a year, and bly. This has been conspicuous that it would raise a hurricane upon numerous occasions; and of through the country, such as we this fact the public are very well have never seen in our day. convinced. My opposition was the very thing of all others, that was calculated to serve him. Does he think, too, that I did not know this? I knew it very well; but, in the first place it was my duty to show the evils of the measure. The injustice, the cruelty, the gross absurdity of it. In the next place I had a right, and, perhaps, it was a duty also, to show that I understood the subject, im

Therefore, the Lawyer has really derived benefit, as far as relates to the chance of passing his bill from every thing that I have written against it. I am very well aware of all the feelings that are at work in that assembly with regard to me and my writings. I have not mock modesty enough to pretend not to perceive the power that I have in the country, and it is out of the power of that assembly to dis

portant as it was in itself and in its consequences, and connected guise from me, that they are well as every such measure must be, aware of the extent of that with the happiness and with the power. Neither am I ignorant permanent power of the kingdom. of the power that I have with I had moreover a right, if I chose regard to their actions, and of to exercise it, to show my supe- the great reluctance that they rjority over Lawyer SCARLETT, have to suffer or the public to per

do; and I only state the facts here, in order to let those who grudge me the power know that the possession of it gives me great. satisfaction.

ceive that they feel the effects of trimony, and the Parsons and any such power. I manage my Clerks must work night and day. matters adroitly; but the power To get a substitute demanded I have, and the power I will upon an average about 15 pounds. have; and this. I repeat it, the A wife is a great deal cheaper, and public know full as well as I she would be an exemption for ever. This, however, is something too monstrous even to have come into the head of Lawyer SCARLETT. At any rate if there be an error in the report, I point out the necessity of correcting it, and of showing the world that the lawyer did not go to this outrageous length of absurdity. The Lawyer observed that there were strong authorities for going even farther than he had proposed to

The Lawyer is reported to have said, that, in his next Bill "he should propose, that the "Fathers of families should

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He

no longer be ballotted for the ""militia." These are the words literally taken from the Morning Chronicle. Never was any thing go, even so far as to deny promore unjust than this in itself; vision to the infirm and indigent but, how monstrous to be pro-poor. One of these authorities posed by the man, who has was, he said, not a raving madman brought in a bill, one of the ob- at any rate, being no less a perjects of which is to prevent hasty son than Dr. FRANKLIN. and improvident marriages! then proceeds to say that Dr. Here, in this new proposition is a Franklin had said, "that in those premium for marriage; an ex-" countries in which the greatest emption of the most valuable" public provision was made for kind; during the last war many "the poor, they were in the worst men cut off their thumb or their "condition; and that in those finger, or otherwise mutilated" countries where the least public themselves to set aside the claim" provision was made for them, of the militia law upon them.-" they were in the best condiThis is a notorious fact. And" tion.”

will they not then marry to effect Now, Dr. Franklin, though a the same purpose? Let a war very shrewd and very cunning come, offer this premium for ma-man, and though he has been