go on; and the consequence will what extent can retrenchment be (and even now is) that no rents go? ? Can the Civil List be rewill come to the landlord. For duced more than one half? As my part, speaking as to feeling, to the Army, Ordnance and I by no means lament this; and I Navy, discharging the whole of feel much more for the man that the soldiers and sailors would not was sent to prison (where he now produce a saving of four millions. is) for four years and a half, from And, then, where is the system? the Quarter Sessions of Cheshire, It is the Debt that swallows, in in the year 1820: For this man, the first place, three fifths of the whose name I have forgotten, I taxes; and it causes the demand have more respect than for any of for three fifths of the rest. All those landlords, who, after having is nonsense, therefore, short of a so long supported the system, are reduction of the interest of the now sinking under it. This man's Debt; and this is now seen by offences were selling political the landlords as clearly as it was pamphlets. When he heard his by me many years ago. sentence, he exclaimed: " is that all! I thought you had a bit "of rope for me!” Here was a sentence of close imprisonment for more than half the average fife of man turned of forty. Talk of feeling, then! What feeling can we have, if we have no feeling for this man? 66 But, notwithstanding this, there will be great difficulty in coming to the point. The fund-holders will set up a prodigious outcry, in which they will be aided by all the 'respectable" and stockjobbing part of the press. Some landlords are also fund-holders, and they will magnanimously shew their horror at any proposition for "violating public However, if nobody else feel for the landlords, they will feel for themselves; and, you may be "faith" The monied people assured, that they will act upon are always the most active and that feeling. It is, you will please most noisy; and though the to observe, utterly unavailing to cause of the landlords, if they act attempt to relieve them by what fairly towards the people at large, is called "retrenchment." The is, and ever must be, the cause of Crib may be wholly emptied, the people, the "respectable" and yet the estates of the land Jords pass away. Besides, to and stock-jobbing press, whose profits are in a great measure 66 dependent upon the paper-sys- will be marked by a total change tem, will give such a colour to of tone in the landlords as well as the thing, that the people may, in the government, towards the very probably, be on the side of common people. We shall hear the Fund-holders. The ministers, no more of the "thunder of par-though they must necessarily liament." Both will find themwish to see prosperity restored, selves poor, and an empty pursewill unquestionably take the same is a wonderful teacher of moside; because, whatever other desty. None but very acute phieffects a reduction of fund interest losophers can tell why this is; might, or might not, produce, it but, certainly the purse and the would produce their removal from tongue are very closely united, office. It would, besides, give I much question whether we shall rise to a state of things, in which ever again hear the Reformers they would be as helpless as called a low, degraded crew; and whether, if seat-selling were again children. Still the weight of the land- to become the subject of comlords, amongst whom the Church plaint, we should hear the com(the great landlord of all) is in-plaint stigmatized as "democraticluded, never will sink without a "cal encroachment." Both sides struggle. The Church has alrea- will find, that they stand in need dy lost half its revenue; and it is of support; and, after all, the by no means come to its lowest people, the great mass, must be mark. Will it be quiet? Yet, appealed to. made as Now, Sir, it will be utterly there are monstrous difficulties in the way of a reduction of interest; impossible, that, during the strugand I think it is clear, that the gle, it should not be landlords, having the whole clear as daylight, a thousand and weight of the "respectable part a thousand times over, that, if "of the press" against them, there had been a Reformed parwill see the day, when they will liament, those troubles and calacall in vain, for the aid of poor mities never would have had an Every evil, every little" Twopenny Trash," which existence. they themselves assassinated, and danger, will, as clearly as the over the mangled corpse of which twig to the stem, be traced to they so much exulted. the acts of the parliament; and, The progress of this struggle the conclusion, in every man's mind, will be that the parliament |secutors, of the people. It will ought to be reformed. In the be a revolution indeed as to these! meanwhile the discharge of per- When we look only at the two sons from public employ; the ends of a progress, we can hardly reduction of salaries; the check believe our eyes. Show any one 7 given to the bestowing of pen- a beautiful India shawl, and afsions and the making of grants; terwards a bunch of dirty rags. How is he struck upon being told that they are one and the same! But, let him see the shawl during the dispersion of swarms of taxgatherers; the breaking up of banking establishments; the poverty of the large corner of the the whole of its progress, and the Crib allotted to brief-less law-result appears perfectly natural. yers: these and divers other It is thus with men. When they are brought down, they are seen during their progress from high to things which will make their ap pearance, will remove the principal ground of attachment to low; and, during the times that the Borough-system. Therefore, are at hand, we may expect to nothing can be more natural than see some, who are now too to suppose, that, as here is a lofty to be able to restrain their sure way of gaining the millions arrogance and insolence, singto their side, the landlords will, ing their own ballads in the at last, take this course; that is streets, without exciting surto say, that they will of them-prise or commanding attention. selves propose a Reform of the It will be a mere question of verse Parliament. and of voice; and, all but the "Then," say you, comes sirger himself will forget, or never “revolution!" Very true; and have known, that he ever was a really "glorious one this any thing more than a singer of time. Not a revolution which ball ds. would affect the kingly office, ex- You will say, that I express cept to make it truly great; not my wishes and not my expectaa revolution that would degrade tions. I express both; and if the the Nobility, but make them former are not to be left out of respected and beloved more even sight in estimating the latter, they than at any former period. But, are by no means to be regarded as then comes everlasting night to proof of their fallaciousness.. the calumniators, the bitter per- The best way for you is, to leave my wishes out the question, and to look carefully at the signs of LAWYER SCARLETT'S BILL. It is dead! Seldom has earthly the times, and then say, whether my expectations be not warranted by these signs. If you do thus pilgrimage been more short, and look; if you do observe what has never less pleasant. Parents recently been said and done on should think a little before they the subject of" retrenchment;" if bring unoffending innocents into you observe the altered tone of the world to suffer; and, from the Ministers, think of the cause what we have seen of late years, of it, see the extent of their a law to check the population of promises, and duly consider beings of this description really the consequences of their pro- seems to be demanded. This mises, whether fulfilled or child of Lawyer Scarlett's genius broken; if you do these things, has been singularly unhappy. I am satisfied, that you will see However, "it is gone to a better no reason to laugh at my expectations, wild as they may, at first sight, appear to be. pluce," though to trace it to its ultimate and obvious destination, might, perhaps, be deemed an uncharitable, or, at the least, an unsavoury office. But there was something passed in the "Collective Wisdom" at the hour of the demise of this Bill, of which, in order to avoid a charge of unfairness, Ì shall To the Reformers a day of triumph is not far distant now. Indeed, they triumph now.. I have always told them, that the Debt was their only sure friend; and, that as long as the paper-system should last, they would pray in vain. That system has received give an account by inserting the a rude stroke, under which it is whole of the Report from the now staggering along, and merely paper of my friend, Mr. PERRY; staggering. The next blow brings and, when I have done that, I it to the ground, and then the ge-shall, perhaps, out of my feeling nius of England will once more for the parent of the hapless dearise. ceased, be tempted to give it a few farewell remarks. WM. COBBETT. The reader will please to bear in mind, that this bill had undergone two regular discussions, and had been read twice; that it then stood for commitment; that, in the meanwhile, several petitions had been presented relative to it, and that there had been a discussion, short or long, upon all these occasions. Finally the bill stood for commitment, and was thẹn to be debated at full length. The debate began and went on for some time, and, for want of further time, was adjourned. Now, who ever before heard of an adjourned debate not being resumed at the next meeting of the House? This stood adjourned for more than a fortnight; and, at last, on Monday night, the order for resuming the debate was discharged; that is to say, the debate was not resumed at all! Whatever else this might show signs of, it certainly showed no signs of eagerness to have the measure discussed.—I shall now insert the report, pointing out by italicks parts to which I wish to draw more particularly the reader's attention. the arguments that had been urged against the Bill. It would, in particular, be necessary for him to brush up his law, in order to meet the opposition of his Honourable and Gallant Friend (Sir R. Wilson). Whether they should meet in private contest or otherwise, he hoped his Honourable and Gallant Friend would not prove more fortunate than he ought to be.He (Mr. S.) was aware that much had been written in order to inflame the public mind on this subject; for himself, he would say, that his attention had been directed to the state of the Poor Laws for the last 30 years, and he always was of opinion that they were laws most injurious to the com munity, and most oppressive to the poor. He thought they were laws which went to degrade the lower classes. He withdrew the Bill for the present, but he proposed next Session to renew the measure. He would not pledge himself to words, but, in principle, it would be substantially the same. If he should meet the same sort of support which he had received, he would propose another Bill for greater discrimination between the moral claims of persons seeking for relief, and for the purpose of checking the expenditure, which was now a subjec of general complaint. He should also t propose, that the fathers of families should be no longer balloted for the Militia, but that single men should be compelled to serve. Mr. SCARLETT rose, not, he said, at the close of the Session, to press any discussion on the Bill; inded, from the outset, he did not express a hope that Sir R. WILSON said, that when the the Bill would be carried through the measure should be brought forward House that Session. He would not he would oppose it every inch. In enter at present into any discussion order to qualify himself to meet the whatever, but would reserve himself threatened contest with his Honourfor a further opportunity to answerable and Learned Friend, he would sit |