system. The Ministers are now [ceived in the same way; but, doing all they can do to restore when, in 1814, I revisited the us to happiness; for, to talk of English Labourer's dwelling, and happiness, national prosperity that, too, after having so recently and happiness, while the millions witnessed the happiness of laare in a state of starvation and bourers in America; when I saw degradation is almost blasphemy. that the clock was gone; that even The Ministers, in spite of all the Sunday-coat was gone; when the base endeavours to inti-I saw those whom I had known midate them, have given us the most neat, chearful and happy gold and a return to a just beings on earth, and these my balance for the Labourer. This own countrymen too, had, beit was their duty to do. If come the most wretched and forthe Landlords pay too much to lorn of human beings, I looked the Fund-lords, let them obtain a seriously and inquired patiently law for their relief. If they find into the matter; and this inquiry the army, the pensions, the sala- into the causes of an effect which ries, the grants to clergy, to emi- had so deep an impression on my grants, to military academies, to mind, led to that series of exeryeomanry cavalry; if they find tions, which have occupied my these too expensive, too high to whole life, since that time, to betbe paid in gold; let them appeal ter the lot of the Labourers. The to the parliament for relief. But, unprincipled, malignant and bralet them make no attempts to zen villains, who fatten under the bring the Labouring Classes wings of corruption, have acback under the harrow, the lace-cused me of inconsistency. There rating, the torturing harrow of are the thirty eight volumes of the paper-money. Register. Let them say, whether I have not constantly been labouring for nineteen years to effect such a change as should tend to restore the Labouring Classes to a state of happiness. Let those volumes say whether I have been fickle; whether I have changed and chopped about. Let those volumes say, whether the great and ever-prevailing burthen of my complaints has not been, the ruin, the starvation, the degradation of the English Labouring Classes by the means of taxation co-operating with an infernal paper money system. For many reasons have I hated and detested the system. I have hated it because it gave a predominance to suddenly-acquired wealth; be As for me, who has so much to forgive as I have? Who has been so persecuted by this long train of Pittite Ministers? Yet, so grateful do I feel for the good now done to the Labouring Classes, that I freely forgive them; yea, Sidmouth and all; and I am not a little pleased at the thought, that he who made a jest of the revered and ruptured Ogden " has withdrawn himself from all participation in this forgiveness-demanding merit. The Ministers may, nay they must, have been deceived: they were dazzled with the splendra effects of a plunder of the Labouring Class. I myself, in the early part of my writing life was de 66 cause it caused Jews, jobbers, Jand then my happiness is comloan-mongers, East India adven-plete. Not as a straw in compaturers, and all sorts of vermin to rison with the stack do I think of come and domineer over the peo- all my own sufferings and losses. ple; because it destroyed English Let the Westminster DoN, let hospitality; because it took from England's Glory" chuckle at : the comparison between his three months walk in the King's Bench and my two years in Newgate and thousand pounds fine and seven years recognizances; let him hug himself in the thought that the seventy thousand pounds earned pu the people their natural magistrates, and put unfeeling wretches in their stead; because, to answer its fiscal purposes, it took away, in numerous cases, the trial by jury; because it hardened all the laws; because it made thousands the victims of irresisti-with my pen have been squeezed ble temptation to imitate the base from me and my family by those fabric of paper-money; because various acts of oppression and it engendered a race of spies and fraud, which afforded him the informers so abhorrent to the occasion to promulgate through English heart for these, and the newspapers, as soon as my many other reasons, I have de-back was turned, an insinuation tested the system; but, my great that I had decamped on account and never-ceasing subject of com- of a debt the very existence of plaint has been, that it starved which he was bound in honour to and degraded the labouring classes keep secret; let him and his saof England. To this great sin of tellites, at their approaching the system I have hung like a Rump Dinner to celebrate " bull-dog for the whole nineteen" rity of election," congratulate years I have never once quitted each other on the pluck that they my hold. And, at last, I see the had at my skin after the feathers object of my labours about to be were stripped off; let him proaccomplished. I have never been mulgate private letters; let him actuated by any party motive; write answers and not send them, never have felt hostility to the but place copies of them to be government, as government; ne- shown at a shop in the Strand. ver have I desired to see, but Born to an immense estate, loaded always have desired not to see, a with the accumulating wealth of revolution in the bad sense of that ages, wallowing in money, holdword. But, I have been, and I ing. to use his own words, an am, for any thing that will restore enormous retaining fee" in the the labouring classes to that hap-cause of the people, let him pass piness, which I, in my youth, saw another five and twenty years of them enjoy, and which I enjoyed big words and little deeds; and with them. If the labouring let him, if again placed before a classes be to perish, perish, I say, jury of landlords and big-farmers the whole nation! endeavour to save himself by saying that he was a friend of the corn-bill. Let him do all this over again, and any thing further Neither will take place if the Ministers hold firm. The labouring classes will again be happy, 66 that his mind, or the kindred I am, friend Hayes, APPENDIX.' No. I.—A BILL TO AMEND THE LAWS 1. Whereas the Rates for the Relief of the Poor have of late years greatly increased; and if some timely check be not provided to prevent the further increase thereof, there is reason to apprehend, that the lands in many parts of England, over-burthened by the charge of maintaining the Poor, will not be worth cultivating. 2. And whereas the habits of industry and frugality are most essential to the well-being, comfort, and independence of the labouring Classes; but the too great facility of obtaining relief, by those who are able to work, is calculated to encourage idleness, extravagance, and imprudence-the sure forerunners of poverty, misery, and vice. 3. And whereas also the Removal of the Poor who are unable to maintain themselves to the places of their settlément, is attended with great oppression to them, as well as great expense, trouble, and litigation, to the different parishes and townships from and to which they are so removed; and it is not reasonable that those who have by their labour contributed to enrich one place, should be removed to another, and often very distant place, where there is no demand for their labour, there to be maintained in sickness and in seasons of scarcity and distress. 4. For remedy thereof, and of the several matters aforesaid; be it therefore enacted, by the King's most excellent Majesty, by and with the ad vice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and after vied, for the Relief of the Poor, in 5. And to the end that the amount of the sum so assessed for the last year, ending as aforesaid, may be better asIcertained; be it further enacted, That the Constable or Constables of every parish, township, or place, maintaining its own poor, shall, at some Quarter or General Sessions of the Peace, to be holden within after the passing of this Act, bring and deliver to the Clerk of the Peace for the district within which such parish, township, or place shall be, a Certificate in writing, signed by the Overseers of the Poor, of such parish, township, or place, or some of them (who are hereby required, upon demand, to sign the same), of the aggregate amount of the sum so assessed for the last year upon such township or place, for the relief of the Poor; which Certificate the Clerk of the Peace is hereby required to receive and cause to be entered fairly in a book to be provided for that purpose, for which entry he shall be entitled to have, and take from the Constable bringing such Certificate, the sum of and no more, to be allowed to the Constable in his accounts; and the Clerk of the Peace shall, and is hereby required, at all times hereafter, upon application of any person whatsoever, to furnish a copy of any such Certificate as may be required, upon receiving the fee of for his trouble. 6. And be it further enacted, That before any Rate, hereafter to be made for the Relief of the Poor, shall be allowed and signed by any of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace, such Justices are hereby authorised and required to inquire into the amount of the rate or rates already made for the current year, and to ascertain that the same, together with the amount of the Rate so to be allowed and signed, does not exceed the total amount limited by this Act; provided always that in case it shall be made to appear to such Justices, that there is any increased charge in the County Rates which are payable out of the Poor Rates, which may require an additional assessment beyond the assessment for the relief of the Poor for the year last past as aforesaid, it shall be lawful for such Justices, in that case, to allow of such excess only as shall be equal to such increase of the County Rates. ward the present Bill without the previous sanction or countenance of Ministers. If he had thought that the measure, or any thing like it, would have been brought forward under the sanction of Government, he would not have obtruded it on the House. If he had any reason to believe that any Member of the Committee appointed some years ago to inquire into the state of the Poor Laws, and whose Report contained so much valuable in 7. And be it further enacted, That it shall not be lawful for any Church-formation on the subject-if any Memwarden, Overseer, or Guardian of the Poor, or any other person having authority to administer relief to the Poor, to allow or give, or for any Justice of the Peace to order, any relief to any male person whatsoever, being single and unmarried at the for himself or any part of his family, unless such poor person shall be actually, at the time of asking such relief, by reason of age, sickness, or bodily infirmity, unable to obtain his livelihood, and to support his family by work. ber of that Committee had shewn any disposition to act upon the suggestions contained in the Report, he (Mr. Scarlett) would have altogether abstained from the subject. The subject of the Poor Laws had for many years occupied his attention. The measure which he proposed was not the result of hasty consideration, nor the effect of any deliberation of his since the Report of the Committee had been published. He had not an opportunity of seeing the valuable information which they had imparted on the subject until after he had proposed his Bill; it was, however, a matter of great satisfaction to him to find that the views which he had taken of the S. And be it further enacted, That from and after the it shall not be lawful for any Justice of Peace, or other persons, to remove, or cause to be removed, any poor person or per-question were supported by the Comsons, against the will of such person or persons, from any parish, township, or place, to any other, by reason of such person or persons being chargeable to such parish, township, or place, or being unable to maintain him or themselves, or under colour of such person or persons being settled in any other parish, township, or place, any law or statute to the contrary notwithstanding: Provided always, That nothing in this Act shall in anywise be deemed to alter any law now in force for the punishment of vagrants. mittee. The great evil which resulted from the Poor Laws was, that an unlimited provision was settled for the poor [hear, hear!]. The effect of that unlimited provision for the poor, to reason on it a priori, was, that it operated as a premium on poverty [hear!]. The House would not be at a loss to see that it would necessarily create idleness, licentiousness, and immorality [hear, hear!]. It was the condition of human nature to labour; nothing could be more unfortunate to a country than a system of law which disconnected the ideas of labour and No. II. Mr. SCARLETT rose and profit; yet such was the immediate said, that as the House seemed dis- effect of the Poor Laws, they gave reposed that he should then state the fuge to indolence, they operated so as grounds of the Bill which he intended to remove inconveniences which should to introduce to amend the Poor Laws, always be allowed to follow vice; he would do so as shortly as he could. they degraded the character of the He was aware of the great magnitude man who received relief under them, of the subject. No subject, indeed, because they lowered him in his own could call for more deliberate consi-estimation. They certainly had the deration. Any measure on a subject tendency to involve in their fatal so important, was certainly deserving circle the whole population of the the support of a liberal and enlight-country. The House had but too ened Government, and he was not much reason to fear that this evil without apprehension in bringing for-would go on rapidly increasing; the time would come, it was fast approach- | Poor. The Honourable and Learned ing, when parishes would be found Gentleman next read an extract from not sufficient to support their popula- a Report of a Committee of the House tion. Indeed, at the present moment, of Lords, on the state of the parish of there were parishes in England where Namptwich, in Cheshire. In the year the land was not worth more, after 1816 the parish officers addressed a paying parish rates, than the price of public letter to the inhabitants, in the labour expended on it. He would which they stated that the increase of now proceed to state the result of the resident paupers from 1781 to 1815 inquiries which he had made, and first was from 50 to 90. The increase of as to the effect of those laws on the out paupers for the same period was feelings of the people. The relief was in the same proportion. In 1781 there scarcely considered in the light of were six bastard children charged on charity, there was nothing of grace the parish. In 1815 they increased to about it; it was bestowed without 37. Yet the price of corn was nearly compassion, and received without the same at both periods, and wages gratitude. (hear, hear!) There was considerably higher. The House, he another consideration which was pa- was satisfied, would agree with him in ramount to all others, namely, it dis- | thinking, that a dependence on parosolved between the poor and the rich– chial relief caused a diminution of inthose ties which had formerly bound dividual exertion, an inattention to together the different orders of so- economy, and a relaxation of morals. ciety; there was no longer gratitude It was remarked, that in proportion to on the one hand, or real charity on the liberality of the parish was the inthe other; the poor received without crease of paupers, the increase of thanks what they were entitled to re- vice and dissipation. - Parochial aid ceive, and the rich gave without com- extended to persons supposed not passion what they were compelled to able to find employment, was found to bestow. On looking to the result of be attended with consequences most the law, the House would find that the injurious, most destructive of the increase of the poor-rates was so ra- best habits and the moral character of pid, that unless some check was given the people. It took away the necesto them, they must ultimately, and sity of labouring-men to indulge in that at no very distant period, absorb idleness became paupers. Thus the all the landed property of the coun- feelings of the people were gradually try. By the Report of the Committee blunted, and the labouring class, foron the Table of the House, he found merly considered with so much justice that in the years 1748, 1749, and 1750, the very strength and pride of the the average for the three years a- State, were in danger of becoming a mounted to 689,9711. In 26 years disgrace and a burthen. The evil was after, the poor rates increased to one of the most alarming kind—an 1,530,8041.; in 1783, they increased to evil which Parliament would be anx2,437,0001.; in 1803, they increased to ious to remove, unless in removing it 4,267,9631.; in 1813, they increased to the country should be exposed to still 6,129,0001. Thus during the period greater danger. The evil consisted in he had stated, the Poor Rates increased an unlimited provision for the poor; half a million for the first 13 years, the obvious remedy was to limit that half a million for the next seven years, provision. The first measure, thereohe million for the seven succeeding fore, which he would wish to submit years, and one million for the five sub- to the House, was to declare a maxisequent years. In 1815, the last year mum; the rates of the last year, included in the Report of the Commit- though not the highest, were nearly tee, the amount of the Poor Rates was so; and it was perhaps the best pe6,129,8311. It was an important fact riod to select, because the nominal that both in peace and in war, the Poor value of money had more nearly apRates went on progressively increas-proached its real value than in the ing, and if some measure were not adopted to stop the evil, it was but too much to be apprehended that it would go on increasing, until at length no maintenance would be left for the preceding years. He would therefore propose to fix as a maximum, the rates of the year ending the 25th of March, 1821, and accordingly to declare it to be unlawful to pay any |