chinery of the measure, whether as a well-informed contemporary affirms, the relative cost in this part of the country is 27 per cent, increase over the former cost or not-whatever may be thought of these things elsewhere, it is quite certain that the general opinion here is against the New Poor Law and its administration. Welshmen hold it in hatred for its combined costliness and cruelty. An eminently religious people, the Welsh consider it also repugnant to Christianity, they maintain that it is opposed to the spirit and contrary to the commands of Christ, the great founder of our holy religion. We are sorry to add, that these honest prejudices, if prejudices they be, are not unsupported by facts, which, to a simple-minded rural population, unaccustomed to refine, to specu. late, and philosophize, must seem conclusive. The opinion of its excessive costliness is embodied in the Llanon petition, and indeed all the petitions or remonstrances which the rate-payers have adopted at public meetings. The enormous cost of the Poor Law's machinery constitutes one of the grievances which have occasioned the present unsettled, if not alarming state of South Wales. Then as to its cruelty and unchristian characteristics, unhappily cases but too frequently occur to justify the impression. Capt. Evans, of Pantykendy, for example, at one of the recent meetings of the board of guardians, himself an ex-officio guardian, said, that he knew an instance of a family in his parish that had been absolutely starving, and that, but for the relief given to them by the clergyman and kis wife, they would have actually starved. They had been offered the workhouse, and refused to go in, and the relieving officer refused them relief. The same gentleman, we are informed, said some days ago. Whatever may be the opinion in England relative to the New Poor Law, in Wales no law that has been passed during the last century has been one half so unpopular.' To MR. RICHARD OASTLER, QUEEN'S PRISON. My dear Sir-In this letter I purpose to take a comparative view of capital, as it is called, and generally esteemed the most sacred desposit and trust to the care and protection of civil society. So much is said of the value of capital, so little comparatively of anything else, that it may be worth the inquiry, and lead probably to some practical good, calmly to ascertain what it really is. I may be permitted to quote from myself here, as I did on a former occasion, and thus proceed at once to the subject of the present inquiry. "The capital of the labourer is his labour, and the value of it, in what it produces for himself and others. This capital precedes that of accumulation, and lays the only foundation for the latter; but it is certain that such is the natural course and destination of the capital of labour. Creating thus all other capital, of every description and kind, it also re-produces, as I have often said, an equal capital to that which it originally creates; and in this course, unimpeded in its exercise, and fairly remunerated, at the same time leads to nothing more certainly than the good of all; for the products, under these circumstances, always exceed the expense of acquiring them, and thus invariably tend to ensure as well as re-produce the capital of accumulation. To ascertain their relative value and importance, that is, of the capitals of labour and of accumulation, we must look to the parties, and the rosition they hold in society, for their true solution. To begin, then, with the capital of labour. We must take the probable number in Great Britain of labourers of every class. I do so in this way, not having better means of ascertaining the amount, and am satisfied that 13.000,000 of the 18.500,000 of the population of Great Britain earn their bread by labour, or are depending either on agriculture, or as artificers or manufacturers. In the year 1831. the number was given, in detailed tables now before me, at 11,930,000, on a population of 16,500,000. On a population, then, since increased to 18,500.000, I take the number as being not less than 13.000.000, as before stated, From the 13,000.000, we may deduct 3.000.000 for children, quite unproductive, or incapable of labour of any kind, thus leaving 10,000 000 of what may be called operatives. The capital of their labour, at the low rate of 88. weekly, would give the annual amount of 208,000,000. I have purposely taken this low average. to test safely the true value of the capital of labour, which, we must ever bear in mind, creates all the rest, of every kind what ever. There can be none of accumulation without labour-no retaining of what is accumulated without labour-no advance in further accumulation without labour. Thus it would appear to be the most valuable of all in its nature; and probably we shall find it the most extensive of all in its aggregate amount. On a reference to the tables before mentioned, they give the annual valuation of real property in England and Wales only, in 1841, and the amount is stated to be a little over 62,500.000/. I have no objection to admit the amount to be now, including Scotland, even 80,000,000. I can afford this, and have thus 128 000,000/. from the capital of labour beyond the rentals and assumed annual value of all the real property of Great Britain. The funded debt of the country may be termed another capital, being in the hands of creditors; and treating it as such, the annual interest thereon, in round numbers, may be called 28,000,000l. Taking these two from the balance of the labour capital remaining of 128,000,000/., we should still have 100,000,000l. over." The capital invested in trade and commerce I have omitted here, as incapable of any certain estimate, though unquestionably of very large amount. But this again would let in a new class of Jabourers, properly so called, and various agents employed to realize the said capital, and without whom not a single sixpence of it would or could be had, In the protection of capital, then, to which society and the laws are bound, and which is also in accordance with the laws of God as well as man, what a mighty interest is here shown in that of Jabour for the superintendence and waschful care of Government. It seems to me, as I have before stated, that the first, and I would again add, the last duty of the Legislature, is to protect the capital of labour, by giving every possible facility to its employment at all times, and the removal of every obstacle that would impede it. Labour stopped for a single day is an irreparable loss and injury, not merely to the suffering individual who is unemployed, but to every member of the community with him, for he must then be subsisted from the labour of others. To protect this labour capital, no means should be omitted, but every means used to secure its advantages, There can be nothing clearer or more reasonable than this, if we look solely and selfishly to the interest of all other members of the body politic; other capitalists can protect themselves. At the miserable scale of remuneration for the labour of the 10,000,000 aforesaid, the loss of one single week's work of the whole would be 4,000,000Z., and that loss, too, would be irreparable-it is gone for ever. But the due protection by exercise of the capital of labour, is the true and only solid basis for the protection of all other capital whatever, and of all other property whatever. Safety, the safety of all, is inseparably, nay indissolubly, bound up with the labour capital. A commodity so precious, a stake so interwoven with every other interest, is of all others the most vital and important. There is no substitute for the loss of this capital-no compensation, as we have seen-no retreat from the disastrous consequences, but to new and accumulating miseries and destitutions. If this were for a moment doubtful, means should be used to avoid the evil; being undoubted, every means of every description should be put in requisition to avert the dire calamity, and preserve every par ticle of the most valuable of all known capital. But this is not all that can be urged in its behalf; for labour, the capital of labour, has simultaneously and unquestionably produced the 80,000,0007. also that goes into the pockets of those who are the actual receivers of the rents, whosoever they may be, that forms the other capital of accumulation-annual accumulation, before mentioned and referred to. Is it possible to take this fair view of the matter, and not express the most extreme surprise at the risk of ever suffering the first capital, that of labour, to be even for a single day idle, or lost, or not placed in the position of being productive? To the individual, it is certain destruction to the community an irreparable loss-to the capital of accumulation, a loss too, and accompanied with an addition of somewhat to be deducted from it for maintenance of the idle, the miserable, the rejected, and unjustly treated labourer. Though it is right that punishment should attend such a grievous fault, yet it may, and inevitably will, extend further if not speedily checked The first loss unfortunately prepares the way for the second; the calamity of to-day gathers strength to-morrow, and the down-hill road who can stay, if the plague be not conquered ere it has run amain? These are serious considerations, and imperative commands on every one, without a single exception, to aid in keeping up the capital of labour, where the consequences are so fatal if impeded, so beneficial if in constant exercise. Having proceeded thus far, and I trust intelligibly and satisfactorily, I shall conclude this letter with a very few practical remarks and observations. Having taken the very low estimate of 8s. weekly for the capital of labour of every description, no matter to what commodity applied, I shall assume that 10s. is a more reasonable weekly return to each. The 2s. extra would produce a weekly sum to be expended on manufactures of 1.000.000., or 52,000,000l. a year; but the additional sum would in all probability produce its equivalent at the least to the capital of accumulation, at the same time and by the same means. What a magnificent prospect-what a cheering view is thus presented to the contemplative and feeling mind;— the seeds of destitution and distress effectually destroyed, the fruits of honest industry called forth in abundance in their stead. Again, what hinders the realization of so many and such secure blessings? Nothing, if the means whereon at all times to exercise the capital of labour be fairly and fully supplied, and at no time whatever impeded or withheld. Surely this is what the capital of labour is entitled to; surely it were manifest injustice to dispute or prevent it; and most assuredly none lose or can lose in affording the means. Land is the great, the everlasting, the assured commodity, that never fails, when others fail or are impeded for a time; nor can land ever disappoint the labourer in giving subsistence more than he can consume. The results of the inquiry so far are probably such as the general reader was not prepared for and yet so true, that I believe they cannot be denied. Come we next, then, to another part of this interesting and vital subject, in the losses to which all capital is liable, and the reparation of them, in which I shall again take leave to quote from myself: "Accumulated capital unemployed is a loss-employed unprofitably it is a loss, and in speculating sometimes, and for some new acquirement, a total loss; that is, the capital and the contemplated returns for it go altogether into an abyss, and there it ends. Now, in all these cases, even the worst, the la bourer's capital, is untouched-nay, it perhaps benefits thereby; but of that more hereafter. Suffice it. for the present, to say, that the losses of accumulated capital (which, by the way, is esteemed for the most part, and without due reflection, as the only capital in existence) are all reparable, and are all generally replaced, though not probably to the same extent to the individual holders. "Come we next to the loss of capital by fire-a calamitous and dreadful fire, that in one conflagration destroys a whole street. This, no doubt, is a great evil; but how soon is it repaired again-I mean the evil; and how soon is a better street built in the place of that burnt down, Better houses, better built, probably, if the others were old; in short, every improvement made on the ruins of those destroyed. Well, but what is the amount of capital required to rebuild and replace the street, which must be the loss of some persons who owned the property? We shall pursue the inquiry. The owners of the houses generally insure them; the insurance offices receive premiums so ample, to cover all loss, that a fire is to them, in many respects, a benefit, by the warning given for more extended insurance. A small part, a very small part proportionally, of their profits suffice to restore the houses, and, as I said, give back a new and better street to the owners than that burnt down. I have no objection to take a round number for the present argument. One hundred fires, of the largest general amount of damage, from 5 0007. to 10 0007, each, and say, in round numbers again, that I have to account for 1.000 0007. thus lost and destroyed. This is a Jarge sum, but still it falls, for the most part, lightly upon each individual sufferer, and falls always upon the capital of accumulation. The labour capital still remains untouched, nay, it rather be nefitted and extended to the restoration of the buildings. If we look, on the other hand, to the labour capital, and stop it for only one week, the loss is four times as much, and it is, as we have seen, irreparable; the loss is fatal and for ever. "Let us now, in the like cursorary manner, take the losses occasioned by floods, which oftentimes do great damage; the same course of argument applies, in precisely the same mauner, and with exactly the same consequences. The losses thence arising are all reparable—they are all soon repaired, and probably with advantages that were neither foreseen nor anticipated. The labour capital is still not only untouched, but actually extended, beneficially extended too, in thus repairing the damage, To bring the question into a more comprehensive compass, I shall assume the loss at 500 0007., and still have scope and verge enough to go upon in this interesting discussion. To floods, then, we may add shipwrecks, which, when unaccompanied by the loss of life, are in like manner, and by the like means of labour, reparable, and are consequently very soon repaired, and always improved in the reparation, for you have new ships and stores in place of the old ones. Another 500 0001. for such losses of accumulated capital inay well be borne, for here the insurer generally stands between the owner and the risk, and, from a comparatively small portion of his profits, restores the whole of the damage. This latter loss, however, added to the 1.500,000l. already given to fire and flood, is not, as we have seen, more than the loss to the labour capital of half a week's absolute idleness and want of employment." Having thrown out these few particulars in the familiar form of hints and suggestions, every reader who turns his mind to the subject may easily pursue the inquiry into its remotest recesses. I have no fear of the result-the grand result thus so naturally follows such a course, which so triumphantly demonstrates the superior value of the capital of labour to all and every other capital whatever. Without the capital of labour, there could be no repair in the breaches made, as we have assumed and proved in the others, from the losses to which they are liable. It is as impos sible to repair the breaches and the losses, as it would be to expect a crop where the land had neither been tilled nor sown. To pursue this is ridiculous and laughable. What owner of a house could rebuild it? What owner of a ship make a new one? Ridiculous and laughable, is not this really the practical conclusion blindly taken up in beating down, and in fact beating out the capital of labour? What! destroy that capital which makes mine? Lessen that which lessens mine? Dispense with that, or any particle of that, which by the same operation destroys or lessens a greater portion of my own? No man in his right senses will do this-no man who soberly thinks for himself can do it; and yet, miserabile dictu, men aet as if the clearest and most expedient course they could pursue was that of lessening the price of this invaluable commodity—the capital of labour. We have arrived, by degrees, to the point at which I aimed-of proving the superior value and utility of the capital of labour over all others, and the imperative necessity that exists, ever has existed, and ever will exist, for preserving it in full, and fair, and efficient exercise. The loss here. as we have seen, of even a day, is lost for ever, and never can be repaired; whereas the loss of all other capital of accumulation is not only reparable, but is generally replaced in a very little time. By whom? By those who have the capital of their labour alone to recommend them, but which is always adequate for the purpose. I shall not further insist on this. having all along shown that it cannot possibly be otherwise. But in addition to what has been urged and shown, let me, ere I conclude, advert to one other material point in the debate, which is that of the collision of capital. if it may be so termed, or the race of one capitalist of accumulation against another, in order to usurp his place, or his supply, or his profits. This race, so long as it did not affect the labour market, might be of less moment; but can it be carried on to any extent, and not, in the unhallowed contest, destroy for ever much of the capital of labour along with the destruction of that of accumulation? Is it not the duty of the Legislature to give protection to every capital, and support every interest, on the sound principles of the Constitution, whieh is one continued stream, from beginning to end, of an equal protection to all? In what other code, from what other fountain, are derived such an almost infinite variety of checks, and guards, and precautions to stay the invasion of any right to punish the perpetrator of every wrong and injury? That no property can be used, by the common law of this country, by the most powerful possessor of it against the weakest and most destitute member of the State, I take it no one who knows anything of the matter will dispute then what follows, but the actual enforcement of this principle, when the abuse of capital is destructive of the more extended right of the community. I suggested, in my letter of May last, in your Paper of the 3rd of June, the necessity of a guard of this sort, as applicable to the Factory system and capital embarked therein. Referring to that letter, there I shall leave it, and for the present conclude with two sets of authority, that must be received, and not disputed, because they are inspired; and take them as applicable, first, to the capital of labour; and, secondly, as to the abuse or destruction of it by non-employment or inadequate remuneration. The first. Psalm 128, verse 2.-Thou shalt eat of the labour of thy hands, Prov. 13, verse 11.—He that getteth by labour shall increase. 14, verse 23.-In all labour there is profit. Ecclesias. 2, verse 24.- Make his soul enjoy good in his labour. 5, verse 19. To rejoice in his labour, this is the gift of God, The second. Psalm 41, verse 1.-Blessed is he that considereth the poor and needy: the Lord shall deliver him in the time of trouble. 3-D fend the poor and fatherless. See that such as are in need have right. 6. The Lord executeth righteousness and judgment for all them that are oppressed with wrong, 12. Sure I am that the Lord will avenge the poor, and maintain the cause of the helpless. I am, my dear Sir, Very sincerely yours, J. J. BURN. CONCORDIUM PRESS, HAM COMMON, SURREY. THE FLEET PAPERS. THESE Papers are principally intended for the perusal of the friends of Christianity and the Constitution; particularly the Clergy and the Aristocracy, and of all persons who are possessed of Properiy. The object of the writer will be to explain the reason for the present alarming state of English society, and the consequent insecurity of life and property; also to offer some remarks upon the folly and wickedness of attempting to uphold our Institutions, particularly that of Private Property, by the unconstitutional means of Centralization, Commissioning, Espionage, and Force; finally, to state his own views on the best mode of restoring Peace, Contentment, Security, and Prosperity, to every rauk of the people of England. The author is perfectly aware of the fact, that every Parliamentary leader is now only attempting to legislate for the present moment-putting off the evil day -making laws "from hand to mouth," in the hope that some unforeseen, fortunate event may enable succeeding Statesmen to legislate for permanency. He is also convinced that there is a mode of successfully re-establishing our Institutions upon their original foundation-Christianity;-and that that is the only way to preserve them from the encroachments of political partisans, who are now paving the way to universal Ruin, Anarchy, and Despotism. NOTICES TO CORRESPONDENTS. THE AUTHOR OF TALES OF THE COLONIES,' (Saunders & Oiley publishers, Conduit Street.) is thanked for a copy of his interesting work. Mr. Oastler considers it a second Robinson Crusoe, but with this exception-one is a tale of fiction, the other a narrative founded on facts. It breathes truth in every page, and will forcibly remind every one of the Robinson Crusoe' that charmed his days of boyhood. The History of the Gipsey's Daughter' is a perfect romance; and the excellent letter on Emigration' contains such sound advice, as to be worth the perusal of all who entertain serious thoughts of becoming settlers in one of the Colonies. A LAWYER.-Very soon. C. NIXON, Nottingham.-The Brands and the Vermin, i. e.. the vermin at Somerset House, as well as the vermin on the paupers' clothes, have not escaped Mr. Oastler's notice. They will keep. SAMUEL ROBERTS, Sheffield.-Thanks to him for his "dry crust." THE FLEET PAPERS are regularly published every SATURDAY, at 2d. each; also every four weeks, in Parts, containing four Numbers, at 9d. each, A few copies, bound in cotton, of Vols. 1 and 2 of the Fleet Papers, at 10s. each volume, may be had of the Publishers, or of Mr. Oastler, at the Queen's Prison. Charge for Advertisements as under: 0 7 6 Half a page LONDON: W. J. PORTMAN SQUARE; AND JOHN PAVEY, 47, HOLYWELL STREET, STRAND. The following petition, copied from the Wakefield Journal, August 25, 1843, satisfactorily proves that in the WAKEFIELD UNION, THE NEW POOR LAW IS A FAILURE. I am curious to know if the Poor Law Commissioners will be graciously pleased to permit the rate-payers to attend to their own poor and expend their own rates. How fallen are the sons of Britain, thus to be compelled to petition the three tyrants!-R.O. “WAKEFIELD UNION.-The following is the copy of the petition sent to the Poor Law Commissioners from the guardians of this union : "To the Poor Law Commissioners, Somerset House, London. "In pursuance of a resolution passed unanimously (one member excepted) at the Wakefield board of guardians, on Wednesday, the 22nd instant-That the working of the New Poor Law, in the Wakefield union, is fraught with great evil, and that it is desirable the said union should be dissolved.' We, therefore, whose names are hereunder subscribed, being guardians of the Wakefield union, beg leave most respectfully to call the attention of the Poor Law Commissioners to the alarming increase in the amount of poor-rates collected in the several townships within the said union, for the three years ending last March, as compared with the three years previous to the commencement of the union, to wit: "Fully convinced, from the above circumstances, not only that the New Poor Law in this neighbourhood IS A PERFECT FAILURE, but also, that the rate-payers are fast verging to pauperism, without adding one extra comfort to the poor, we cannot do otherwise than listen to the imperative dictates of our own consciences, and pray most earnestly that the Poor Law Commissioners will be pleased to dissolve this union, and allow each township to have the management of its own poor.'" Thank God, the wind is changing! Read the following, and ponder! I do rejoice more than I can tell in words! Yes, if the Government will pull the Constitution to pieces, I rejoice that the people will not pay the workmen. May England copy the example of West Bromwich!-R.O. SOUTH STAFFORDSHIRE. Public Meeting to Petition against the Rural Police. Birmingham, Monday, August 28, 1843. In consequence of the great increase in the local rates, and the additional burden which has been lately imposed on the inhabitants, by the introduction of a Rural Police Force into this district, a requisition, very numerously and respectably signed, was presented last week to the overseers of the parish of West Bromwich, requesting them to call a public meeting, to consider the state of the parish generally, and more particularly the subject-matter of complaint. This course became the more necessary, in consequence of the difficulty experienced by the parochial authorities in collecting the poor-rate, the last levy granted, owing to the increase of claimants on the parish for relief, having amounted to 20d. in the pound. The overseers accordingly issued the following notice: The rate-payers are requested to meet at the Old Church Vestry, on Monday, the 28th of August inst., at 10 o'clock in the morning, to determine the measures to be adopted in consequence of the rapidly increasing pressure of the parochial charges. "West Bromwich, Aug. 18." "ARCHIBALD KENRICK, In addition to the above, notices were also extensively posted throughout the district, calling upon the rate-payers to attend the meeting, for the purpose of securing the removal of that unconstitutional and expensive nuisance, the Police Force," which, it was stated, cost the rate. payers from 1,3007. to 2,0607. per annum. |