Out of the four Chapters added to the prefent Edition, two (the 10th and 11th, B. I.) contain among other things, a few ftrictures on the Courts of Equity; in which I wifh it may be found I have not been mistaken: of the two others, the one (19th, B. II.) contains a few obfervations on the attempts that may in different circumftances be made, to fet new limits on the authority of the Crown; and in the 20th, a few general thoughts. are introduced on the right of taxation, and on the claim of the American Colonies in that respect. Any farther obfervations I may hereafter make on the English Government, fuch as comparing it with the other Governments of Europe, and examining what difference in the manners of the inhabitants of this Country, may have refulted from it, must come in a new Work, if I ever undertake to treat these subjects. In regard to the American difputes, what I may hereafter write on that account, will be introduced in a Work which I may at some future time publish, under the title of Hiftoire de George Trois, Roi d'Angleterre, or, perhaps, of Hiftoire d'Angleterre, depuis l'année 1765 (that in which

a farther explanation of the peculiarity in the English Government above alluded to, and which is again touched upon in the poftfcript to this Advertisement, that a Government may be confidered as a great Ballet or Dance, in which, the fame as in other Ballets, every thing de pends on the difpofition of the figures.

the American Stamp duty was laid) jusques à l'année 178 meaning that in which an end shall be put to the prefent contefts (a).

Nov. 1781.

POST SCRIPT.

Notwithstanding the intention above expreffed, of making no additions to the present Work, I have found it neceffary, in the prefent new Edition, to render fomewhat more complete the xviith Chapter, B. II. p. 387. On the peculiar foundations of the Englifh Monarchy, as a Monarchy, as I found its tendency not to be very well understood; and in fact, that Chapter contained little more than hints on the fubject mentioned in it: the task, in the course of writing, has increased beyond my expectation, and has fwelled the Chapter to about fixty pages beyond what it was in the former Edition, so as almost to make it a kind of a feparate Book by itself. The reader will now find in it feveral remarkable new inftances to prove the fact of the peculiar ftability of the executive power of the British Crown; and. efpecially a much more complete delineation of the advantages that refult from the stability in favour of public liberty (a).

(a) A certain Book written in French, on the fubje&t of the American difputes, was, I have been told, lately attributed to me, in which I had no fhare.

(a) For the fake of thofe Readers who like exactly to

These advantages may be enumerated as follows. I. The numerous restraints the governing authority is able to bear, and extenfive freedom it can afford to allow the Subject, at its expence. II. The liberty of speaking and writing, carried to the great extent it is in England. III. The unbounded freedom of the Debates in the Legislature. IV. The power to bear the conftant union of all orders of Subjects against its prerogative. V. The freedom allowed to all individuals to take an active part in Government concerns. VI. The ftri& impartiality with which Juftice is dealt to all Subjects, without any respect whatever of perfor.s. VII. The lenity of the criminal law, both in regard to the mildness of punishments, and the frequent remitting of them. VIII. The ftrict compliance of the governing Authority with the letter of the law. IX. The needlessness of an armed force to fupport itself by, and as a confequence, the fingular fubjection of the Military to the Civil power.

The above mentioned advantages are peculiar to the English Government. To attempt to imitate them, or transfer them into other Countries, with that degree of extent to which they are carried

know in what one Edition of a Book differs from another, I shall mention, that five new pages have also been added in the xviiith Chapter, viz. page 482-486, befides a few fhort notes in the course of the Work: for inftance in page 140, 384, &c.

in England, without at the fame time transferring the whole Order and conjunction of circumftances in the English Government, would prove unsuccessful attempts. Several articles of English liberty already appear impracticable to be preferved in the new American Commonwealths. The Irish Nation have of late fucceeded to imitate feveral very important regulations in the English Government, and are very defirous to render the affimilation complete yet, it is poffible, they will find many inconveniencies to arife from their endeavours, which do not take place in England, notwithstanding the very great general fimilarity of circumftances in the two kingdoms in many refpects, and even alfo, we might add, notwithstanding the refpectable power and weight the Crown derives from its Bri tifh dominions, both for defending its prerogative in Ireland, and preventing anarchy. I fay, the fimilarity in many respects between the two kingdoms; for this resemblance may perhaps fail in regard to fome important points: however, this is a subject about which I fhall not attempt to fay any thing, not having the neceffary information.

The laft Chapter in the Work, concerning the nature of the Divifions that take place in this Courtry, I have left in every English Edition as I wrote it at first in French. With refpect to the exact manner of the Debates in Parliament, mentioned in that Chapter, I should not be able to say more at prefent than I was at that time, as I never had an oppor tunity to hear the Debates in either House. In re

gard to the Divifions in general to which the fpirit of party gives rife, I did perhaps the bulk of the People fomewhat more honour than they really deferve, when I reprefented them as being free from any violent difpofitions in that refpect: I have fince found, that, like the bulk of Mankind in all Countries, they fuffer themselves to be influenced by vehement prepoffeffions for this or that fide of public queftions, commonly in proportion as their knowledge of the fubjects, is imperfect. It is however a fact, that their political prepoffeffions and party fpirit are not productive in this Country, of thofe dangerous confequences which might be feared from the warmth with which they are fometimes manifefted. But this fubject, or in general the fubject of the political quarrels and divifions in this Country, is not an article one may venture to meddle with in a fingle Chapter; I have therefore let this fubfift, without touching it.

I fhall however obferve, before I conclude, that there is an accidental circumftance in the English Government, which prevents the party spirit by which the Public are ufually influenced, from producing those lafting and rancorous divifions in the Community, which have peftered fo many other free States, making of the fame Nation as it were two diftinct People, in a kind of conftant warfare with each other. The circumftance I mean, is, the frequent reconciliations (commonly to quarrel again afterwards) that take place between the Leaders of parties, by which the most violent and ignorant