British Parliament poffefs: by the Constitution they have no other, as hath been obferved in the beginning of this Chapter: this circumftance ought to be combined with the abfolute exclufiveness of the executive powers lodged in the Crown-with its prerogative of diffenting from the Bills framed by Parliament, and even of diffolving it (a).

(a) Being with Doctor Franklin at his houfe in Cravenftreet, fome months before he went back to America, I mentioned to him a few of the remarks contained in this Chapter, and, in general, that the claim of the American Colonies directly clashed with one of the vital principles of the English Conftitution. The observation, I remember, ftruck him very much it led him afterwards to speak to me of the examination he had undergone in the House of Commons; and he concluded with lending me the volume of the Collection of Parliamentary Debates, in which an account of it is contained. Finding the constitutional tendency of the claim of the Americans to be a fubject not very generally understood, I added a few paragraphs concerning it, in the English Edition I fome time after gave of this work; and being now about to give a third Edition of the fame, I have thought it might not be amifs to write fomething more compact on the fubject, and have accordingly added the prefent new Chapter, into which I have transferred the few additional paragraphs I mention, leaving in the place where they ftood (pag. 45.) only the general obfervations on the right of granting fubfidies, which were formerly in the French work. Several of the ideas, and even expreffions con

I fhall mention in the fecond place, a re markable fact in regard to the fubject we are treating (which may ferve to fhew that Politicians are not always confiftent, or even fagacious in their arguments), which is, that the fame perfons who were the most strenuous advocates for granting to the American Colonies their demands, were at the fame time the most fanguine in their predictions of the future wealth and greatnefs of America, and at the fame time alfo, ufed to make frequent complaints on the undue influence which the Crown derives from the fcanty fupplies granted to it by the kingdom of Ireland (a).

Had the American Colonies fully obtained their demands, both the effence of the prefent English Government, and the condition of the English People, would certainly have been altered thereby: nor would fuch a change

tained in this Chapter, made their appearance in the Public Advertiser, about the time I was preparing the first Edition: I fent them myself to that Newfpaper, under I mention this for the fake of the fignature of Advena. thofe perfons who may perchance remember having feen the sketch I allude to.

(a) For inftance, the complaints made in regard to the penfions on the Irish establishment,

have been inconfiderable, but in proportion as the Colonies fhould have remained in a ftate of national poverty (a).

(a) When I obferve that no Man who wished for the preservation of the form and fpirit of the English Conftitution, ought to have defired that the claim of the American Colonies might be granted them, neither do I mean to fay that the American Colonies fhould have given up their claim. The wisdom of Minifters, in regard to American affairs, ought to have been conftantly employed in making the Colonies ufeful to this Country, and at the fame time, in hiding their fubjection from them (a caution which is, after all, more or lefs ufed in every Government upon earth); it ought to have been exerted in preventing the oppofite interests of Britain, and of America, from being brought to an iffue, to any fuch clashing dilemma as would render difobedience on the one hand, and the refort to force on the other, almoft furely unavoidable. The generality of people fancy that Ministers ufe a great depth of thought, and much forecast in their operations; whereas the truth is, that Minifters in all Countries, never think but of providing for prefent, immediate, contingencies; in doing which they constantly follow the open track before them, This method does very well for the common courfe of human affairs, and even is the fafeft; but whenever cafes and circumstances of a new and unknown nature occur, fad blunders and uproar are the confequences. The celebrated Count Oxenstiern, Chancellor of Sweden, one day when his Son was expreffing to him his diffidence of his own abilities, and the dread with which he thought of ever engaging in the management of public affairs, made the following Latin answer to him; Nefcis mi fili, quam parvâ cum sapientiâ regitur mundus (You do not know, my fon, with what little Witdom the World is governed.)

CHAP. XXI.

Conclufion. A few words on the nature of the Divifions that take place in England.

I

Shall conclude this Work with a few ob

fervations on the total freedom from violence with which the political disputes and contentions in England are conducted and terminated, in order both to give a farther

Matters having come to an eruption, it was no longer to be expected they could be compromised by the pal liative offers fent at different times from this Country to America. When the Earl of Carlifle folicited to be at the head of the folemn Commiffion that failed for the purpose we mention, he did not certainly fhew modefty It equal to that of the Son of Chancellor Oxenftiern. has been faid that, in that stage of the conteft, the Ame ricans could not think that the propofals thus fent to them were seriously meant: however, this cannot have been the principal caufe of the miscarriage of the commiffion. The fact is, that after the Americans had been once made to open their eyes on their political fituation, and rendered fenfible of the local advantages of their Country, it was become in a manner impoffible to have ftruck with them any bargain at which either Nation would have afterwards cause to rejoice, or even to have made any bargain at all. It would be needless to say here any thing more on the fubject of the American contest.

The motto of one of the English Nobility, fhould have been that of Minifters, in their regulations for rendering the Colonies ufeful to the Mother Country,-Faire fans

dire.

proof of the foundnefs of the principles on which the English Government is founded, and to confute in general the opinion of foreign Writers or Politicians, who, misled by the apparent heat with which those disputes are fometimes carried on, and the clamour to which they give occafion, look upon England as a perpetual fcene of civil broils and diffenfions.

In fact if we confider, in the first place, the conftant tenor of the conduct of the Parliament, we fhall fee that whatever different views the feveral Branches that compofe it may at times purfue, and whatever ufe they may accordingly make of their privileges, they never go, in regard to each other, beyond the terms, not only of decency, but even of that general good understanding which ought to prevail among them.

Thus the King, though he preferves the ftyle of his Dignity, never addreffes the two Houses but in terms of regard and affection; and if at any time he chufes to refuse their Bills, he only fays that he will confider of them (le Roy s'advifera); which is certainly a gentler expreffion than the word Veto.

The two Houses on their part, though very jealous, each within their own walls, of the