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If the people do not support us, we may cease from the labour of toiling in vain, but we trust our love of freedom will remain unabated, and unextinguishable.

As to the war in Portugal, it is hard for us to give any political, and would be presumptuous in us to give any military opinion. So much marching and countermarching, so many positions taken and resigned, so many demonstrations made, and such an incessant display of graud manoeuvre, must make a fine study for military men upon the map, and the whole campaign an excellent school of discipline for officers and soldiers. It is true indeed, that our schooling is a very expensive one, and we question whether the knowledge acquired be worth the millions with which it has been purchased. We fear it will turn out, a war not so much of fighting as of finance; not of battles, but of bullion; and when Marmont, after advancing with a force of 60,000 men, suddenly takes it into his head to fall back again, without any reason expressed or implied by Lord Welling ton, and divides the army that he had just before concentered, it has, we own, much the appearance of keeping up, rather than putting an end to the war, so onerous, as it is, to the finances of Great Britain. But it serves, at least, to keep the war at a distance from Our own shores. Why, this it may do for a year or two, at an expense that must rapidly accelerate the death of public credit, but it is to our NAVY we must trust at last-and why not now? Why not get rid of this most burthensome and unprofitable expenditure abroad, and let our fleets become the circulating batteries of the British Empire. We have one question to put. How will the British army on the continent be adequately provisioned, should

war

take place with America? We have heard from persons most likely to be well informed upon the subject, that the harvest of this year will not enable us to do well without an import from America, and whether our armies abroad can be sufficiently supported without such assistance, it is not easy to say. An embargo in America may, in this respect, turn out a blockade of Britain.

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After having enlarged so fully on our domestic situation, we have but little space left for remarks on the state of our foreign affairs. The effects of the administration of our concerns at home are, from their importance, deserving to be first considered. A nation, under the safeguard of public spirit, may be hap py without foreign conquest, and wanting the invigorating energies of freedom, may be miserable amid the most splendid victories. Of the latter, Rome afforded a fatal warning, but when mismanagement at home was combined with injudicions expeditions abroad, the decline and fall of that once powerful empire was rapidly accelerated by the combined operation of these two potent causes of downfal.

We have just seen the public mind excited by strong hopes from rumours of a great victory in Portugal. Every means were resorted to by the government prints that the delusion should be kept up, and the cullibility of the nation was once more practiced on. When will the people recover their senses, to see through these stratagems of a venal press? A nation thus blindly credulous, rush on to the crisis of their fate, and if they obstinately persist, must in the end fall unpitied, the dupes to their own fatuity. Although the late aflairs in Portugal had all the qualities of a defeat evinced by the prudent and judicious retreat of the British army, and by the French

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accomplishing their object of reljev ing Ciudad Rodrigo, yet one consolation remains; less fatal waste of lives attended, than in the former battles, which were equally unsuccessful in attaining any of the permanent effects of victory. The British army, it is said, are retreating into winter quarters to avoid the effects of the rainy season, and accounts state, that disease has made its appearance ainong them to an alarming extent.

Our affairs with the United States of North America do not assume a brighter appearance. We have not an administration, which knows how to concede to just claims with dignity. When they ought to grant -grandly, they will most probably, in the special pleading style of a civilian, biggle about words and forms of expression They thus lose the benefits of a firm and spirited style of negociation, while by this littleness, they irritate and encourage their opponents. The Congress at its meeting, will most -likely continue the non-importation, and the non-intercourse except in their own ships, with additional and more strict regulations. England will probably retaliate by orders in council, and in the end, unless the system of neutrals is radically chang-ed, war is likely to be the result. In the mean time, France freely concedes, and by indubitable proofs gives up the Berlin and Milan decrees, in hopes by such conciliatory conduct, to league America with her in defence of the system, which they call the freedom of the sea.

Spanish America proceeds "thro' perils, toils, and death," in the road to independence. Buenos Ayres and Monte Video are at open war. Carracca and the adjacent territory under the guidance of Miranda have published a declaration of independence. Part is borrowed from the famous declaration of North Ameri

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can independence, the product of the energetic pen of the patriot Jefferson. The language of the present declaration breathes the accents of freedom, and speaks well. May deeds, “unequivocal authentic deeds," confirm and ratify their words! It is sincerely to be wished that this revolution may suffer neither by a decay of energy, nor by the excesses commit. ted in the abused name of liberty.

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In Spain the Cortes have published a constitution. In the beginning, they sanction the important and just principle of the majesty of the people, and proclaim, that the Spanish nation is free and independent, and neither is, nor can be, the patrimony of any family, or individual." This is right. We anxiously wish they may follow up in prac tice, the spirit of this resolution. Then might we hope to see the resistance of a people, against whom, if they are fully united on principle, the legions of Bonaparte would be as impotent, as the concert of princes was found to be against the new born liberties of France. But we have seen so much versatility, and want of following up declarations with energy, by the Spanish nation, that fears unbidden intrude, lest their constitution should be "a voice, and nothing more." "Vox et præterea nihil." Nor are those fears abated, when another article of the constitu tion is considered, which declares the establishment of the holy Roman Apostolic religion to the exclusion of all others. Human imperfection is insinuated often into our best schemes, and by its admixture vitiates the mass.

It looks probable that Sicily will not much longer be ranked as an ally, but most probably be seized as a hostile country. Such is the uncertainty of foreign allies, and such the miserable effects of subsidizing states to fight for themselves. Under

such circumstances we can expect no better than that they will choose masters, as suits their self-interests, and continue allies of England no longer than motives of policy or caprice may influence.

From these circumstances it is an object of sincere regret to hear that endeavours are used to stir up another war against Bonaparte in the north of Europe. If these misguided efforts are successful, we may expect to see acted over again, the former comedy, or tragedy of "All in the wrong," fresh subsidies farther to empoverish the exhausted finances of Britain, plans without concert unsustained by the principle of common interest, consequent defeat, and ultimately the more firm establishment of the colossean power of France, a circumstance lamented more strongly, and on more solid, consistent principles by the friends of liberty, than it can be by the advocates of monopoly, who are quite reconciled to any despotism, except the despotism of France. On that subject, they hypocritically whine, and bring forward all the cant of unfelt affectation in favour of liberty, while the principles of slavery reconciled to them, by the selfish emoluments they enjoy, or the luxurious ease on which they so indolently repose, are deeply rooted in their hearts.

DOCUMENTS.

SOUTH AMERICA.
INDEPENDENCE OF SOUTH AMERICA,

In the name of the most high. We, the Representatives of the Federal Provinces of Carracas, Cumana, Barinas, Margarita, Barcelona, Merida, and Truxillo, constituting the Confederation of Venezuela, on the Southern Continent of America, in Congress assembled; considering that we have been in the full and entire possession of our natural rights since the 19th of April, 1810, which we re-assumed in consequence of the transaction at Bay.

BELFAST MAG, NO. XXXIA,

onne, the abdication of the Spanish Throne, by the conquest of Spain, and the accession of a new dynasty, established without our consent. While we avail ourselves of the rights of men, which have been withheld from us by force for more than three centuries, and to which we are restored by the political revolutions in human affairs, we think it becoming to state to the world the reasons by which we are called to the free exercise of the sovereign authority

We deem it unnecessary to insist upon the unquestionable right which every on quered country holds to restore itself to liberty and independence; we pass over in a generous silence the long series of afflictions which the fatal laws of conquest have indiscriminately involved the discoverers, conquerors, and settlers, of these countries; whose condition has been made wretched by the very means which should have promoted their felicity: throwing a veil over three centuries of Spanish dominion in America, we shall confine ourselves to the narration of recent and well known facts, which prove how much we have been afflicted, and that we should not be involved in the commotions, disorders, and conquests which have divided Spain.

The disorders in Europe had increased the evils under which we before suffered;

by obstructing complaints, and frustrating the means of redress; by authorizing the Governors placed over us by Spain, to insult and oppress us with impunity, leaving us without the protection or the support of the laws.

It is contrary to the order of nature, imprac ticable in relation to the government of Spain, and has been most afflicting to America, that territories so much more extensive, and a population incomparably more numerous should be subjected and dependent .on a peninsular corner of the European Continent,

The cession and abdication made at Bayonne; the transactions at the Escurial and at Aranjuez, and the orders issued by the Imperial Lieutenant, the Marshal Duke of Berg, to America, authorised the exercise to those rights, which until that period the Americans had sacrificed to the preservation and integrity of the Spanish na

tion.

The people of Venezuela were the first who generally acknowledged, and who preferred that integrity, never forsaking the interests of their European brethren,

while there remained the least prospect of salvation.

America had acquired a new existence; she was able and was bound to take charge of her own safety and prosperity; she was at liberty to acknowledge or to reject the authority of a King who was so little deserving of that power, as to regard his personal safety, more than that of the nation over which he had been placed.

All the Bourbons who concurred in the futile stipulations of Bayonne, having withdrawn from the Spanish territory, contrary to the will of the people, abrogated, dishonoured, and trampled upon all the sacred obligations which they had contracted with the Spaniards of both worlds, who with their blood and treasure had placed them on the throne, in opposition to the efforts of the house of Austria; such conduct has rendered them unfit to rule over a free people, whom they disposed of like a gang of slaves.

The intrusive government which have arrogated to themselves the authority which belongs only to the national representation, treacherously availed themselves of the known good faith, the distance and effects, which ignorance and oppression had produced among the Americans, to direct their passions against the new dynasty which had been imposed upon Spain, and in opposition to their own principles, kept up the illusion among us in favour of Ferdinand, but only in order to baffle our national hopes, and to make us with great er impunity their prey; they held forth to us promises of liberty, equality, and fraternity, in pompous discourses, the more effectually to conceal the snare which they were insidiously laying for us by an inefficient and degrading show of repre

sentation.

As soon as the various forms of the Spanish government were overthrown, and others had been successively substituted, and imperious necessity had taught Venezuela to look to her own safety, in order to support the King, and afford an asylum to their European brethren against the calamities by which they were mena ced, all their former services were disregarded; new measures were adopted against us, and the very steps taken for the preservation of the Spanish government were branded with the titles of insurrection, perfidy and ingratitude, but only because the door was closed against a monopoly of power which they had expected to

perpetuate in the name of a king, whose do minion was imaginary.

Notwithstanding our moderation, our generosity, and the purity of our intentions, and in opposition to the wishes of our brethren in Europe, we were declared to the world in a state of blockade; hostili ties were commenced against us; agents sent among us to excite revolt, and arm us against each other; whilst our national character was traduced, and foreign nations excited to make war upon us.

Deaf to our remonstrances, without submitting our reasons to the impartial judg. ment of mankind, and deprived of every other arbitrament but that of our enemies, we were prohibited from all intercourse with our brethren-and adding contempt to calumny, they undertook to appoint de legates for us, and without our consent, who were to assist at their Cortes, the more effectually to dispose of our persons and property, and render us subject to the power of our enemies.

In order to defeat the wholesome measure of our national representation, when obliged to recognise it, they undertook to reduce the ration of our population, submitting the form of election to servile committees acting at the disposal of arbitrary rulers; thus insulting our inexperience and good faith, and utterly regardless of our political importance or our welfare.

The Spanish Government ever deaf to the demands of justice, undertook to frus. trate all our legitimate rights, by condemn ing as criminals, and devoting to the infamy of the gibbet, or to confiscation and banish ment those Americans who at different periods had employed their talents and services for the happiness of their country.

Such are the causes which at length have forced us to look to our own security, and to avert those disorders and horrible calamities, which we could perceive were otherwise inevitable, and from which we shall ever keep aloof. By their wicked policy they have rendered our brethren insensible to our misfortunes, and have armed them against us; they have effaced from their hearts the tender impressions of love and consanguinity, and converted into enemies many members of our great family.

When faithful to our promises, we were sacrificing our peace and dignity to support the cause of Ferdinand of Bourbon, we saw that the bonds of power by which he united his fate to that of the French, he added the sacrifice of kindred and friends, and that on this account the existing Spanish

rulers themselves, have already resolved to acknowledge him only conditionally. In this painful state of perplexity, three years have elapsed in political irresolution, so dangerous, so fraught with evil, that this alone would have authorised the determi nation which the faith we have pledged, and other fraternal attachments had caused us to defer, till imperious necessity compels us to proceed further than we had first contemplated; but pressed by the hostile and unnatural conduct of the Spanish rulers, we are at length absolved from the conditional oath which we had taken, and now taken upon us the august sovereignty which we are called here to exercise,

But as our glory consists in establishing principles consistent with human happiness, and not erecting a partial felicity on the misfortunes of our fellow mortals, we hereby proclaim and declare, that we shall regard as friends and companions in our destiny, and participators of our happiness, all those, who, united by ties of blood, language, and religion, have suffered oppression under the ancient establishments, and who shall assert their independence thereof, and of any foreign power whatsoever, engaging, that all who co-operate with us shall partake in life, fortune and opinion, declaring and recognising not only these, but those of every nation, in war, enemies; in peace, friends, brethren,

and fellow citizens.

In consideration, therefore, of these solid, public, and incontestible motives, which force upon us the necessity of reassuming our natural rights, thus restored to us by the revolution of human affairs, and the virtue of the imprescriptible rights of every people, to dissolve every agree ment, convention, and social compact, which does not establish the purposes for which alone all governments are instituted, we are convinced that we cannot and ought not any longer to endure the chains by which we were connected with the government of Spain; and we do declare, like every other independent people, that we are free, and determined to hold no dependence on any Potentate, Power, or Government, than what we ourselves establish; and that we now take among the sovereign nations of the earth, the rank which the Supreme Being and nature hath assigned to us, and to which we have been called by the succession of human events, and by a regard for our own happiness.

Although we foresee the difficulties which may attend our new situation, and

the obligation which we contract by the rank which we are about to occupy in the political order of the world; and above all, the powerful influence of ancient forms and habits by which (to our regret) we have been hitherto affected-yet we also know, that a shameful submission to them, when it is in our power to shake them off, would prove more ignominious to ourselves, and more fatal to posterity, than our long and painful servitude. It therefore becomes our indispensable duty to provide for our security, liberty, and happiness, by an en

tire and essential subversion and reform of our ancient establishments.

Wherefore believing, for all these reasons, that we have complied with the respect which we owe to the opinions of mankind, and to the dignity of other nations, with whom we are about to rank, and of whose friendly intercourse we assure ourselves.

C

We, the Representatives of the confede rated provinces of Venezuela, invoking the Most High to witness the justice of our cause, and the rectitude of our intentions, imploring his Divine assistance to ratify the epoch of our political birth, the dignity to which his providence hath restored us, the ardent desire to live and die free, and in the belief and defence of the Holy Catholic and Apostolic Religion of Jesus Christ, as the first of our duties.

We, therefore, in the name, by the will, and under the authority which we hold for the virtuous people of Venezuela, do solemnly declare to the world, that these united provinces are, and ought to be from this day forth, in fact, and of right, free, sovereign and independent States; that they are absolved from all allegiance and dependence on the crown of Spain, and of those who now call or may hereafter call themselves its Representatives or Agents; and that as free, sovereign, and independent States, we hold full power to adopt what form of government may be deemed suitable to the general will of its inhabitants: to declare war, make peace, form alliances, establish commercial treaties, define boundaries, and regulate navigation, and to propose and execute all other acts, usually made and executed by free and independent nations: and for the due fulfilment, validity, and ability of this our solemn declaration, we mutually and reciprocally pledge and bind the provinces to each other, our lives, fortunes, and the honor of the nation.

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