tended with advantages which greatly' overbalance the circumstances here enumerated, and may on the whole be a very wise institution; but, without presuming to give any opinion on that point, it seems evident that it in some degree counteracts the progressive course of importance derived from the mere antiquity of family, and to diminish a prejudice which it has been supposed to augment, and against which poets have often directed their satire, and philosophers declaimed. CHAPTER XIX. Plans of the Noblesse and Parliaments for Resistance ill combined and ineffectual-Endeavour to deprive the National Assembly of the public Confidence-Paper War-The ill Conduct of the French has injured the Cause of Freedom more than the Arguments of their Enemies-The Red Book-Misunderstanding between M. Necker and M. Camus-Power of Peace and War. WHEN the importance of the decrees which had been passed in a short time by the national assembly are considered, and how severely so many powerful classes of men must have felt themselves sufferers by the new regulations, it seems surprising that they were not resisted with more vigour. It is wonderful that the clergy in particular did not take the alarm sooner than they did, and try by every means in their power to prevent the calling of the states-general. It might have occurred to them, that in an incredulous age their immense riches would be a temptation to a set of men assembled for the purpose of clearing a vast load of debt, and willing to be at as little of the expense themselves as possible: but although the clergy might naturally have expected to be obliged to contribute a great deal, they could hardly dread being reduced to such scanty pensions as are not sufficient to enable them to support a decent existence. All monastic establishments likewise were suppressed, the convent lands confiscated; the friars and nuns being granted very moderate stipends, with the privilege to the latter to remain in their convents if they chose. The parliaments, particularly that of Paris, had been long in the use of opposing the sovereign, by refusing or at least delaying to register his edicts, and by the remonstrances they published against them. The resistance which they had often made, joined to the bold spirit of some of their remonstrances, had no doubt prepared the public mind for some important change of government, and hastened the convocation of the states-general, which afterwards became the national assembly. After this the parliaments little thought that they should be among the earliest victims of a revolution which they had contributed so largely to found. Their indignation on this account rendered them much disposed to enter into any conspiracy against the new government. The mortifications which the whole body of the noblesse had met with in a thousand instances, their sudden and complete loss of importance, and the dread of approaching anarchy, began to make an alteration in the opinion of many even of those who had been the most eager for the summoning of the states-general. The sacrifices into which some had been surprised in a moment of enthusiasm, and which others had been prompted to make from a spirit of retaliation, were repented of in the cool hours of reflection, and were highly disapproved of by many of the noblesse in the provinces, who had favoured the revolution at the beginning, from discontent with the court, from a fear of the Bastile, from a desire of having the liberty of going out of the kingdom when they pleased, and other reasons; but who now saw the torrent of democracy bearing so strongly against their whole body, that they willingly joined in any measures to stem it, at the risk of the ancient system's being re-established, with all its grievances. Their plans, however, were ill combined, and feebly supported. The parliament of Toulouse, with a considerable number of the nobility in that neighbourhood, ventured to publish a kind of manifesto, • inviting all orders of citizens to unite for the preservation of the monarchy, of law, of property, and, above all, of religion, which were represented as in the utmost danger from the violence of those who had usurped all the powers of government, and kept the king himself in cap tivity.? The ancient provincial states were in various places summoned to assemble. Those of Bearn and Dauphiné actually met; and in the form of assembling in the latter the distinction of orders was observed. Protests were taken by the states in several other provinces against the decree relating to church lands. The chamber of vacations at Rouen acted in a manner highly unbecoming the character of lawyers, and too like the practices of pettifoggers. They openly registered the act suspending their power, and secretly protested a gainst what they had done, and transmitted their protest to the king. This despicable conduct shocked the candid mind of the monarch. He informed the national assembly of the whole transaction. The national assembly, being highly irritated, were disposed to the utmost severity against the offenders. M. de Frondeville, who was both president of the parliament and also of the chamber of vacations, attempted to palliate their conduct, by declaring at the bar of the assembly, that the protest was meant only as a mark of respect to his majesty; and, being conscious that his assertion was not very credible, he attempted to move them by imploring with tears the clemency of the assembly. All this would probably have been to little purpose, had not the king himself written a letter in favour of the chamber of vacations: and the proceedings against them were stopped with difficulty; for many members of the assembly contended that they ought to be punished. The majority, however, in deference to the king, voted forgiveness, The parliament of Metz protested against the decree of the assembly which suspended them from their func tions; and when they had enjoyed the applause which they imagined belonged to them for a conduct so spirited, they began to consider how they would be able to sup port it, and avert the indignation of the national assembly. It would certainly have been more prudent in the parliament of Metz to have made this reflection before they took the protest; but that method has at no period been very prevalent in France; and, in the course of the present revolution in particular, it is to be remarked that on many important occasions its greatest heroes have acted in the first place, and deferred reflection until they were cooler. This, we are assured, does not proceed from any deficiency of judgment in the French, but merely from their natural vivacity, which outruns their judgment. When the parliament of Metz had time to reflect on what they had done, their judgment, though a little tardy, informed them that they had no means of supporting their protest, or resisting the power of the national assembly, and that their only resource was submission, retracting their protest, and imploring forgiveness; to ren der which more certain, they stooped to request the me diation of the municipality with the national assembly; and it was in consequence of this mediation that an amnesty was granted. The national assembly displayed so much firmness, and seemed so little intimidated by those indications of discontent, and the partial insurrections which through the influence, as was supposed, of the nobility, the clergy, and members of the provincial parliaments, frequently burst forth, that the idea of a counter-revolution became weaker every day. But what proves that those disorders did not entirely proceed from the political dissensions of the times, but often arose from an undistinguishing disposition to pillage, is, that the houses and castles of some of the most distinguished among the popular party, as those of M, Charles Lameth, the duke of Aiguillon, and others, as well as those of the aristocratic party, were plundered by the mobs. There is no question, however, but that the steady countenance which the national assembly retained amid the dangers which threatened them depended on the approbation of the people in general; and that the timid conduct of the parliaments, so different from that boldness which they had manifested before the revolution in oppos. ing the measures of the government, was owing to their finding the voice of the people, which had formerly been with them, now so much against them. It was evident, therefore, that all attacks on the national assembly would be vain as long as they retained the confidence of the people; and, to have any hopes of ef fecting a counter-revolution, that it was absolutely neces sary to remove this, and give them an ill opinion of that body. With this view a multitude of pamphlets were published daily against the conduct of the assembly, pointing out the wickedness or folly of their decrees, and turning the characters and persons of the members into ridicule, This kind of attack was retorted with the same wear pons; and, as at this time the freedom of the press was allowed in its utmost licentiousness, not only the ancient government and the conduct of the present ministers were painted in the blackest colours, but the characters of the king and queen were also libelled, with a malignity unequalled in any age or country. The conflict at this period resembled the skirmishes of slingers and light troops which preceded the battles of the ancients; but soon after the full-armed force on both sides shocked with each other, As this paper war was not confined to France, but was extended to other nations; and as the clergy of all na tions were generally the enemies of the French revolution; it was imagined from the number and ability of so |