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The motto "a fair day's pay for a fair day's work" is described as "impossible."

Men are taught that they must strike for higher and higher wages, shorter and shorter hours and slow up at the same time the working pace, ignoring the quality of work they turn out and in every way possible lowering production.

The avowed purpose is to drive business into bankruptcy, when it would be taken over by the workers. Strikes are called not with the idea of obtaining what is demanded but for the express purpose of failure-a failure that will leave the workman poorer and more embittered, will increase class hatred and make the workmen feel that only by violent revolution can they gain their demands.

It should not be necessary to point out the logical consequences of such propaganda. The per capita production of the men in industry is necessarily lowered and the cost of the product many times increased. This in the opinion of the Committee is one of the largest factors responsible for the high cost of living which is now a matter of grave concern to all classes of society in this country. While the Committee has been unable in the course of its investigation to make a study of the effects of profiteering and improper and useless handling of manufactured products and raw materials in the course of their distribution, it is certain that these elements also contribute toward the prevailing high prices. It is a matter of regret to the Committee that there has been no thorough investigation into the various elements which go to make up the costs of necessaries of life. It feels that no complete solution of the existing social and economic problems can be offered or suggested until all the facts bearing on this important question have been thoroughly studied and analyzed.

While the nature of this investigation has led the Committee to lay its emphasis upon the activities of subversive organizations, it feels that this report would not be complete if it did not state emphatically that it believes that those persons in business and commercial enterprise and certain owners of property who seek to take advantage of the situation to reap inordinate gain from the public, contribute in no small part to the social unrest which affords the radical a field of operation which otherwise would be closed to him.

As soon as the investigation was broadened so as to pass from the United States to a consideration of the European conditions

during the last generation, it became perfectly clear that it would be impossible not only to understand what has led to this present condition in America but also impossible to understand the rapid changes and fluctuations in the American situation, unless we keep in touch with the past and present of the European movement in every country and unless we reach the fundamental principles and springs of action which have governed the councils of the leaders of radical thought in Europe ever since the time of the Revolution of 1848.

The very first general fact that must be driven home to Americans is that the pacifist movement in this country, the growth and connections of which are an important part of this report, is an absolutely integral and fundamental part of International Socialism. It is not an accretion. It is not a side issue. European Socialism concentrated its efforts in three directions:

The first was to organize labor as a step-daughter, an acolyte, a coadjutor of the great Socialist policy, in order to obtain a great mass of supporters for the revolution.

The second was the use of political action as a means and not an end; as a means for obtaining gradual control, or for obtaining paramount influence until the complete triumph of Socialism would make parliamentary government a thing of the past.

The third purpose was the creation of an International sentiment to supersede national patriotism and effort, and this internationalism was based upon pacifism, in the sense that it opposed all wars between nations and developed at the same time the class consciousness that was to culminate in relentless class warfare. In other words, it was not really peace that was the goal, but the abolition of the patriotic, warlike spirit of nationalities.

The entire program, in all its three sections, was based upon the ideas of one man and largely on the ideas expressed in one of his writings. The founder of Socialism and its present dominating force is Karl Marx. Its Ten Commandments are the Communist Manifesto of Marx, issued in 1848. This is true of the American, as it is true of the European movement. To understand every present campaign, every present alliance, we must read the Communist Manifesto.

The present program of the Third Communist International, founded at Moscow, is avowedly only the carrying out of the ideas of seventy-two years ago, as expressed in the Manifesto. If we want to know what the revolutionists expect to gain by the general

strike, all we have to do is to read in the Manifesto that the general strike is to be the means of bringing about the revolution. When we read in the newspapers of general strikes, either threatened or carried out, in Great Britain, in Denmark, in Sweden, France, Italy, Germany, we must not for a minute look upon these movements as special nationalist movements, brought about by local causes and engineered by local groups. No! They are part of this big destructive program which the Socialists have been evolving during these years, bringing nearer and nearer the day when the general strike, instead of being either a threat or a passing phase, will bring about not concessions but the total destruction of present organized society.

In order to follow the evolution of this plan, in order to see how the popular support which was absolutely necessary was gradually developed in the different countries of Europe, the Committee has given in the report a general survey which starts with the origins of the Socialist and labor movements in the different countries of Europe. In this review it is impossible, as we see, to separate the nationalist from the international part of the program. The two wars, the Franco-German War of 1870 and the General War of 1914, were the two big interruptions in the rise of the waves of successful Socialist propaganda, because under the pressure of the nationalist feeling of defense of one's country, the theories of Socialist Internationalism receded into the background in the minds and hearts of a large part of the masses. But the difference in the attitude of the leaders between 1870 and 1914 is an index of the advance of internationalism.

We find that throughout Europe the labor unions, whether they were of the trades union type or of the Syndicalist type, were always closely linked with the Socialist movement, and were in many cases either founded by it or annexed by it in such a way as to take away from labor organizations any independence of policy or action. The Socialist gospel of the general strike and class hatred, of abolition of private property and the nationalization of all resources and industries were a program common to both branches. Of course, this meant the acceptance of political action and this theory was adopted by all but the most revolutionary, the Left Wing, of the Socialists and Syndicalists, who elected to stand aside from any co-operation with their national governments, waiting until the moment should arrive for direct action.

In analyzing the international situation and comparing the evolution in Europe with that in the United States, one thing emerges with great distinctness, and that is the different attitude toward Socialism assumed by organized labor in the United States from that which it assumed in Europe. From the beginning of the labor union movement in the United States the attempt was made by Socialist elements to get possession of the new organizations. These attempts, often repeated, were as often thwarted. Union labor in the United States was, therefore, considered by European labor as extremely conservative, even reactionary. A result of this difference of attitude, of the fact that union labor was very little contaminated with Socialism, was that American organized labor, as typified particularly by the American Federation of Labor, outlined for itself a policy of political non-intervention. It declined to form a separate party. It declined to take part in any political campaign directed by socialist forces. It refused the various suggestions made by European associations for a change of this policy. This policy, initiated in 1881, has continued consistently to the present time. It has been one reason for continual attempts on the part of the revolutionary element in labor to obtain influence in the direction of the Federation. The lack of success in this direction has led to various attempts to organize Socialist labor parties of quasi-political character.

These attempts have never enlisted any considerable element of organized labor. They have been overwhelmingly non-labor in their management. One of the results has been that European Socialism has shown favor to the movements in American labor that were distinctly different from or opposed to the Federation. This is particularly true of the I. W. W. movement; and the conflict between the I. W. W. representative and the representative of the Federation at the International Congress at Budapest in 1911, when each fought for recognition as representing the labor of the United States, is typical of the entire situation. At that time the I. W. W., although supported by France, lost the fight.

Another result of this difference of policy and purpose has been to intensify the opposition of the Federation of Labor to every form of revolutionary activity and to show this opposition in connection with the various international congresses that have taken place both before, during and after the war.

It is especially important to compare the different attitudes

of American union labor and of British union labor at the present time, as these two branches of Anglo-Saxon labor have naturally very much in common and interact upon each other more than is the case with any other two groups.

A study of the situation in Great Britain will show us better than any other study of circumstances outside the United States how imminent is the danger in this country and what the situation might be with us if our organized labor took the same view of its relation to Socialism and to the government as British labor is doing.

Seeing the situation as we do, as something transcending not only the State but the nation, and as reaching down to the fundamentals of man's nature and of the organization of society, the Committee feels that it must appeal in the strongest way to every member of the Legislature, to every man who holds any position of authority or of influence, to take every possible step, not only to understand the cardinal facts of the situation but to devote his thoughts and his acts to a crusade in support of every agency, every policy, that will counteract and defeat this movement. Only complete knowledge will give us the leadership that is absolutely necessary, a leadership that will be based on clear conviction and a feeling for the necessity of action: a leadership that will understand that there must be a revival of religious and moral standards as the basis of any political and economic program. The community must be appealed to, must be given the facts, must be made to see the causes and the remedies, must be made to hand itself together as a civic force in every center of the State in action that shall not be the action of individuals, the sporadic, ineffectual duplicating action that will lead us nowhere. If American ideals of individual freedom and initiative are to be maintained, every citizen must be militant in their defense.

But the very fact of organizing for social defense and for social offense against those who are attacking our life is in itself dangerous, because unless we are keen of insight, these very organizations are going to be, as they have been in the past, taken possession of by astute, hardworking, clearheaded revolutionists, and turned from the purposes of reconstruction to purposes of contamination.

As much energy and organized thought and action must be put by our leading men into the solution of economic and sociological problems as they have given to the solution of their own business

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