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Other persons who gave valuable assistance were Frank Stephens, Arden, Del.; Lewis A. Maverick, San Antonio, Tex.; Marian B. Cothren, Brooklyn, N. Y.; Darwin J. Meserole, Brooklyn; Jacob Panken, New York City; Ludwig Lore, New York City, and Job Harriman.1

The speeches delivered at the first session of the Conference on May 30, 1917, are extremely illuminating. The chairman, Rabbi Magnes, said in his opening appeal that their purpose was "to rededicate ourselves to the cause of democracy and international brotherhood." Later he makes the veiled threat: "America must understand that the Russian armies will have the spirit to continue the war on one condition - that their own idealistic war aims be made the war aims of their Allies." A little later Rabbi Magnes puts this in another way: "We want them (the Russians) to know that the American democracy does not intend to lag behind the Russian in the development of political and economic internationalism, and in all the constructive arts of peace.'

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Following Dr. Magnes, Mr. Algernon Lee, of the Rand School, spoke on "Forces Making for Democracy and Peace in Europe," confining himself to the workings of the International Socialist Bureau and the Socialist parties in the various countries of Europe. In so doing he brought out that the Socialist movement in Europe was largely that of organized labor and that in many countries "numerous and influential non-Socialist elements are earnestly working in the same direction so far as concerns the effort for a general, democratic and lasting peace," especially mentioning the co-operation of the Union of Democratic Control of Great Britain and pacifists on the order of Bertrand Russell. Mr. Lee went on to tell in detail of the activities of the Societies abroad during the war to submit their peace platform beginning with the familiar "no punitive indemnities," including a demand for the "democratization of governments "- taking care, however, not to draw attention to the fact that our own government was to be no exception to the rule. He referred with pride that the Socialists of Great Britain in the summer of 1916 were responsible for "the Union for Democratic Control and similar organizations, getting more than a hundred thousand signers within a few weeks to a so-called 'Stop the War Petition.' "3

1Page 5 of Conference report.

. Pages 11 to 17.

Pages 18, 20, and 24 of Conference report.

After Mr. Lee had finished his own address he read one by Morris Hillquit which had to do with international Socialist Conferences during the war and a coming one to be held in Stockholm to which Mr. Hillquit had been denied passports. We find a peculiar significance in his statement:

"As far as the Socialist Party of the United States is concerned it called such a conference as early as September 24, 1914, and renewed the suggestion on several subsequent occasions. As a result of these movements some conferences of neutrals and some separate conferences of the Socialists in the Allied countries and in the central powers were held."

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For it proves beyond doubt that the many conferences of neutrals recorded in this report (those on paper as well as those which actually came together) were directed by the Socialist Party.

Mr. Hillquit also reported on "Efforts during the war to bring a general International Conference of Socialists for the purpose of working out a peace program acceptable to all parties to the conflict and particularly to the Socialists of all countries." Here at last we had plain speaking; for Mr. Hillquit not only refrained from using the "democratic" camouflage for socialistic doctrines, but he stated bluntly that the "peace program" devised by the Socialists would be particularly acceptable to Socialists all over the world.

Mr. Alexander Trachtenberg, the next speaker, took as his subject merely a variant of the preceding ones in "The Russian Situation." After announcing that the revolution in Russia was effected by the workers and soldiers rather than by the liberals, he emphasized the fact "that the entire Russian Socialist democracy now in control of the affairs of Russia is completely international. The whole Russian working class is imbued with internationalism. It has been taught so from the very beginning." Mr. Trachtenberg wound up his address with the rather illogical remark: "As a fugitive myself-one who has found a haven here in America as a political refugee-I wish to invite to free Russia all those working for peace who find themselves uncomfortable here."2

1 Page 25 of Conference report.

Pages 28 and 29, Report of Conference, May 30, 1917.

At this, Rabbi Magnes again took the floor (in order to make clear Mr. Trachtenberg's meaning) with the following statement:

"I cannot resist taking some of our valuable time by saying I understand that a society has actually been projected in Russia-somewhat copying the name of a society that has done very good work here for a number of years before the Russian revolution. Some of us have been connected with it- the American Friends of Russian Freedom. I understand that they have projected a society in Russia known as the Russian Friends of American Freedom."

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Those who remember Emma Goldman's parting reference to this Russian enterprise to "free" America, may now note further that the Russian Friends of American Freedom was functioning as long ago as 1917.

The speaker following Dr. Magnes was Mr. Louis Lochner who, though he probably compiled and wrote the report itself, now contented himself with a short talk on "The Scandinavian Countries." Though short, the speech was altogether illuminating, dealing as it did with the question of the Inter-Parliamentary Union. After pointing out that in Scandinavia "people are very democratic-possibly even more so than in America," Lochner proceeded to give a concise definition of this interparliamentary group-government officials in Scandinavian and other countries pledged to work against the policies of their respective governments in the cause of internationalism. quote verbatim from Lochner:

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"This Inter-Parliamentary Union is made up of members of Parliament of all countries who believe in the cause of arbitration, international organization, etc. During the war the groups of the Inter-Parliamentary Union of the three Scandinavian countries, as well as of Switzerland and Holland, have made it their special business to try from time to time to bring pressure to bear upon their governments to renew their peace efforts, but from every side came the answer, 'We cannot do anything as long as the American group does not answer."" He ended by urging fervently upon the conference "to send forth from the American move ment" (for democracy and peace) "a delegation that will stay in touch with Europe at some spot in Scandinavia where

Page 29, Report of Conference, May 30, 1917.

there is real democracy, where they can breathe the free air and be in touch constantly with those many international currents with which they can come in contact there, so that we on this side of the water may be better informed than we are now as to the progress that democracy is making in Europe."

At the afternoon session of May 31st we find Mrs. Florence Kelley, chairman,2 and Morris Hillquit, the first speaker. His subject was "Terms of Peace." This time Mr. Hillquit after proving to his own satisfaction that true patriotism should cry out for peace in time of war; that the war was "essentially a war for international trade and markets;" and that "the self-interest of every great nation will be in the direction of establishing an international organization between the nations" goes on to asseverate that this league would be entirely different from the proposed League to Enforce Peace. Complete disarmament by all governments (even as the old army of Russia was demobilized) was the only thing to satisfy the Socialists.

Hillquit after bringing one specious argument after another in favor of disarmament, said: "I maintain that even if the governments, or rather the peoples of the various governments, repudiate the tremendous war debts as they should (italics our own), even then I say there will be no resources left in the various nations to maintain standing armies."3

Another speaker to present the subject of International Relations was Prof. Wm. I. Hull of Swarthmore College, under the title of "Entangling Alliances."

This address, under the cloak of international ideals and international conciliation, was an attack not only upon the national ambitions of the Allies but upon any national ambitions or ideals whatever. Specifically, Prof. Hull urged that an International Commission be appointed, in order to avoid possible atrocities, to follow in the wake of all advancing armies.*

The next dissertation: "The Democratization of Diplomacy," was delivered by Prof. Lindley M. Keasbey of the Uinversity of Texas, who, to begin with, deplored the fact that "the democratization of diplomacy will not come until we have democratized our state." Though he had no definite plan of international

1 Pages 30 and 31, Report of Conference, May 30, 1917.

Pages 33, 34 and 35, Report of Conference, May 30, 1917.

2

Page 32, Report of Conference, May 30, 1917.

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Pages 38 to 41, Report of Conference, May 30, 1917.

co-operation to urge and apparently forgot to revert to the demo cratization of Diplomacy altogether, the professor, in his belief that "labor must be organized, capital socialized and the land liberated" was certainly in line with the pet theories of the International Socialists.1

1

Victor Berger, the next speaker, with "The War and High Finance" as his subject began facetiously as follows:

"This war to me, ladies and gentlemen, is the Morganatic marriage, an illegal marriage between Lombard Street, London, and Wall Street, New York. The issues are illegitimate war babies down in Wall Street, and every time you mention peace one of these babies is ready to die and we will stay in this war until our American people follow in the footsteps of the Rusian people and establish a social democracy."

2

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Miss Emily Balch, who discussed "Terms of Peace" after announcing that "the internationalism which we must build up is the internationalism of effective co-operation between friendly nations," proceeded to dilate upon how cruel it would be to levy a huge indemnity on Germany, even as in 1870 Germany mistakenly levied a huge indemnity upon France. (P. 44.)

The third session, on the evening of the first day, opened with Mr. James Maurer, of the Pennsylvania State Federation of Labor, who spoke briefly on "Labor Legislation and the War."3

Scott Nearing who followed said: "The American people, joining hands with the new democracy of Russia, must lay the basis for permanent world peace by establishing industrial democracy." A little later Mr. Nearing added: "We know how to exploit and they (the working people) know how to produce. We exploit them of a part of their product and then we tell ourselves that we are the intelligent, enlightened, beneficial party of the community."

Mrs. Florence Kelley then spoke on the Standards in War Time" in a destructive

subject of "Labor rather than a con

structive way, attacking in the first place virtually all of the

legislators in Albany. In turn she held up to scorn John

1

Pages 41 and 42, Report of Conference, May 30, 1917.

'Pages 43 and 44, Report of Conference, May 30, 1917.

4

Pages 45 to 47, Report of Conference, May 30, 1917.

Pages 47 to 50, Report of Conference, May 30, 1917.

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