are distinctly collegiate. Yet I shall use my personal influence to have the Socialist Party, perhaps some of the labor bodies, Woman's Peace Party, etc., in the city send representatives."

20. Another letter from Cisco, giving Bertrand Russell's address. (May 26, 1917.) He then adds: "Will you try to secure the co-operation of the Emergency Peace Federation, the American Union against Militarism and most important, the innumerable locals of the Socialist Party in rounding up the helter-skelter anti-conscription organizations under one great purposeful head?"

21. Suggestions of Scott Nearing for the Conference, in some detail.1 He urges as a working program the joining of forces of the Woman's Peace Party, the American Legal Defense League, the American Union against Militarism, the Emergency Peace Federation, the labor unions, American Association for Labor Legislation, the Socialist Party and the Socialist Labor Party- all with a view to having "every agency in the United States that stands for democracy working together in this common cause." As a final word Mr. Nearing adds: "The League will work towards the establishment of industrial democracy in the United States after the war."

22. A letter from Louis Kopelin, owner and editor of the "Appeal to Reason," to Morris Hillquit, May 31, 1917, offering his publication for sale to the Peace Conference, "which I understand is the central body of all the peace associations and the Socialist Party."

23. From Paul U. Kellogg to Miss Balch, May 10, 1917, regretting that the Conference dates conflict with that Conference on Foreign Relations, the results of your work, Mr. Villard's and

mine

In these, as well as many other sources of co-operation, Lochner, Miss Freeman and Miss Balch, aided by Hillquit and Magnes proceeded with the building up of the "Peace" Conference, which as it came nearer and nearer became less and less peaceful and more and more openly socialistic. In spite of all criticism, friendly and unfriendly, in spite of the fact that the Holland House, the place originally set for the Conference meeting, put the radicals out, Lochner and his fellow campaigners continued the building up of their anti-war, anti-conscription, anti'Suggestions of Scott Nearing, Toledo, O., May 26, 1917.

allies, in a word, anti-democratic (in the true sense) Federation. And, finally, the conference of May 30 and 31, 1917, was called at Madison Square Garden.1

Anyone who wishes to learn the entire happenings of these two days will do well to read every word of the first session of the "First American Conference of Democracy and Terms of Peace" in pamphlet form. But for the benefit of those who prefer short cuts, a digest of the pamphlet will follow.

'Title page of Report of Conference.

PART III

PUBLISHED REPORT OF FIRST AMERICAN CONFERENCE FOR DEMOCRACY AND TERMS OF PEACE

Before considering the published report of the First American Conference of Democracy and Terms of Peace, held in New York City May 30 and 31, 1917, it may be well to recall that at that time the United States had been at war with Germany for two months; and in an endeavor to make up for some of its unpreparedness had passed the Conscription bill. Patriotic citizens, therefore, realizing that if Germany were allowed to defeat the Allies, this country must inevitably be the next target, willingly accepted any burdens that insured a successful prosecution of the war. There were of course hundreds of thousands of aliens and citizens of German sympathies among us; the newspapers were reporting acts of destruction by them; the air was full of rumors of draft riots; very disquieting news kept coming from the ranks of the Allies in France; and finally, through the Russian revolution of March, 1917, there loomed the added danger of the Russians making a separate peace and joining forces with the enemy. Surely this was a time for every staunch American, every lover of democracy in its true sense to stand by and fight the enemies of all democracy.

The Conference group, however, guided by Lochner and other persons of similar opinions, subtly twisting and perverting the meaning of honest words, chose this time to present a thoroughly socialistic, pro-German and undemocratic program under the name of "Democracy."

In the very foreword of this peculiarly un-American document, in the very act of shrieking aloud its Americanism, we find this sinister juggling of words and motives. After a diatribe against militarism justifying the organization of the Conference, representing the combined Socialist, pacifist and anti-military leagues of the country, we are told that these are "a mighty force demanding that American democracy, American ideals, American peace be preserved inviolate." The foreword then continues:

"Such an organization was rendered doubly necessary by the revolution in Russia . . . They (the American people) wanted to make known to this free Russian people that the Page 3, Report of First American Conference for Democracy and Terms of Peace.

feelings of those who dwell in America were not truly expressed by the war-like and undemocratic action of the official government that was elected to represent them. They wanted to show that they stand solid behind the Russian democracy and are ready to work with them until the autocracy of the entire world is overthrown.”

In plain words, the Socialists and their pacifist allies of this country, thoroughly in sympathy with the Socialist program of Russia, were preparing to join them in an effort to overthrow the so-called autocracies (our own Government included, as we shall presently see) of the world.

That this program of international Socialism is sounded over and over again in the proceedings of the Conference — and along with it more or less open sympathy with Germany - we are about to illustrate step by step. Before doing so, however, it is only fair to give further explanation of some words generally in use by radicals. In the radical dictionary then, the word "autocracy refers as often as not to a genuine democracy, such as our own; "democratic" and the words "democracy", democrats" are used to connote Socialism, Socialistic and Socialists; and the very word "Americanism" has been prostituted to mean things as wholly un-American as, let us say, the Socialist Party.

66

In the report of the Conference itself we read:

1. Under the heading of "Peace": "The Conference favors an early democratic peace, to be secured through negotiation in harmony with the principles outlined by the President of the United States and by revolutionary Russia, and substantially by the progressive and democratic forces of France, England, Italy, Germany, Austria, etc., namely: (a) No forcible annexations of territory; (b) no punitive indemnities; (c) free development of all nationalities."

The committee of delegates in charge of these " peace" resolutions were Morris Hillquit, Jenkin Lloyd Jones, Emily Greene Balch, Wm. I. Hull, Randolph Bourne, Anne Withington, Alfred J. Boulton, Leonora O'Reilly, Algeron Lee and Prof. Lindley M. Keasbey.2

2. Under "American Liberties" the Conference protested (among other things) "against conscription, compulsory military training;" and demanded "democratic control of our foreign.

2

Page 3 of Conference report. (Italics our own),

Pages 7 and 8 of Report.

policy." The committee in charge of "American Liberties " read as follows:

Richard W. Hogue, chairman; Lola Maverick Lloyd, Winnetka, Ill.; J. Barnard Walton, Swarthmore, Pa.; Prof. H. W. L. Dana, New York City, now of Boston; Harry Weinberger, New York City; Rev. Norman Thomas, New York City; Victor Berger, Milwaukee; Donald Stephens, Delaware; Alex. L. Trachtenberg, New York City.1

"The

3. Under "Industrial Standards" we find: American people, joining hands with the new democracy of Russia, must lay the basis for permanent world peace by establishing industrial democracy." In charge of this overseas joining of hands project, were Scott Nearing, Toledo, Ohio, chairman; James Bagley, New York City; Edward J. Cassidy, New York City; Henri Bereche, New York City; Owen R. Lovejoy, New York City; Mrs. Florence Kelley, New York City; E. Baroff, New York City; Miss Amy Hicks, New York City.2

Under "Permanent Organization and Future Activities" we have in Point 3: . . . "To create at once a committee on international co-operation representing all the democratic forces in the United States field, to work in co-operation with the democratic forces of other countries both during and after the war," and further; "that the committee arrange for a similar conference on democracy and terms of peace in Illinois immediately and in California as soon as practicable thereafter." The committee appointed to look after these matters was James Maurer, Harrisburg, Pa., chairman; Frank Stephens, Arden, Del.; Mary Ware Dennett, New York City; Crystal Eastman, Croton-on-Hudson, N. Y.; Job Harriman, Los Angeles, Cal.; Rebecca Shelly, New York City; Daniel Roy Freeman, Grand Rapids, Mich.; Willard C. Wheeler, Boston, Mass.; Rose Schneidermann, New York City; Arthur Fisher; Adolf Germer, Chicago; Max Pine, New York City; Max Eastman; Edward Hartman, Boston, Mass.; Harold Rotzel, Worcester, Mass.; Fola La Follette, New York City; Harry W. Laidler, New York City; Louis P. Lochner, Chicago, Ill.; Joseph Schlossberg, New York City; Daniel Kiefer, Cincinnati, Ohio; Charles W. Ervin, New York City; Elizabeth Freeman, New York City; Margaret Lane, New York City.3

Page 8 of Conference report. 'Page 9 of Conference report. 'Page 10 of Conference report,