Labor; James B. Casey, editor of the Boiler Makers' Journal; G. W. Perkins, of the Cigarmakers' Journal; Jas. B. Connors, of the Railway Switchmen's Journal; R. E. Fisher, of The Railway Clerk; C. H. Salmons, of the Locomotive Engineers' Journal; Samuel J. Pegg, of the Advance Advocate; Michael Flannery, of the Pressmen's Journal; T. J. Dolan, of the Steam Shovel and Dredge Journal; H. S. Hoekin, of the Bridge and Structural Iron Worker; Matthew Woll, of the American Photo-Engraver; A. McAndrew, of the Tobacco Worker; W. J. Adames, of the Railway Carmen's Journal; Jas. W. Dougherty, of The Bookbinder; Ben I. Davis, of the Journal of the Amalgamated Iron, Steel and Tin Workers' Association; Wm. J. McSorley, of The Lather; W. B. Prescott, of the Inland Printer; Wesley Russell, of the Commerclal Telegraphers' Journal; John Mangan, of The Steam Fitter; A. Wangemann, of Land and Labor; J. L. Bray, of the Sheet Metal Workers' Journal; J. J. McNamee, of the Locomotive Firemen and Enginemen's Journal; M. Comerford, of the Steam Engineer; T. . O'Connor, of the Longshoremen's Journal; Chas. Dold, of the Piano and Organ Workers' Journal, and J. C. Skemp, of the Painter and Decorator. After an interesting and enlightening discussion the conference unanimously adopted the following resolutions: Resolved, By the editors of the official journals and magazines of labor organizations in conference assembled at Chicago, Illinois, this 31st day of July, 1911: (1) That a telegram be sent to the Special Commission appointed by President Taft to ascertain the cost of carrying second-class matter, asking that a date be named during the period of August 10th to August 15th, inclusive, on which a hearing will be given a committee representing trade union publications. (2) That a committee of three be selected to submit the v'ews of this conference. (3) That we protest against any increase in postal rates of any kind, regardless of classifications. (4) That we approve and urge the enactment of the Dodd's bill so amended as to provide that subscriptions collected by local secretaries or included in the contributions of members of local unions to the funds of national or international unions, a part of which are applied to defray the cost of the publication and distribution of the official magazines, shall be considered as individual subscriptions, the bill as amended to read: A BILL. To admit to the mails as second-class matter periodical publications issued by or under the auspices of benevolent and fraternal societies and orders and institutions of learning or by trades unions, and for other purposes. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, that from and after the passage of this act all periodical publications issued from a known place of publication at stated intervals, and as frequently as four times a year, by or under the auspices of a benevolent or fraternal society or order organized under the lodge system and having a bona fide membership of not less than one thousand persons, or by a regularly incorporated institution of learning, or by or under the auspices of a trades union, and all publications of strictly professional, literary, historical or scientific societies, including the bulleins issued by state boards of health, shall be admitted to the mails as second-class matter, and the postage thereon shall be the same as on other second-class matter, and no more; provided, however, that such matter shall be originated and published to further the objects and purposes of such society, order, trades union or institution of learning, and shall be formed of printed paper sheets, without board, cloth, leather or other substantial binding, such as distinguish printed books for preservation from periodical publications; provided further, that nothing contained in this act shall be so construed as to prevent such periodical publications from containing or carrying advertising matter, whether such matter pertains to such benevolent and fraternal societies and orders and institutions of learning and trades unions, or other persons, institutions r concerns; it being the purpose of this act to give to such publications the same rights and privileges as to being adImitted to the mails as second-class matter; as those given to and possessed by all other periodical publications and newspapers adImitted to the mails as second class matter; provided further, that where the members of a benevolent or fraternal society or order organized under the lodge system or under the auspices of a trades union, having a bona fide membership of not less than one thousand persons, pay or subscribe for such publication, either direct or through the secretaries of such benevolent or fraternal society, lodge or trades union, an amount equal to or more than the cost of producing and distributing such publication, such payment shall be considered a legal subscription, and such publication shall be admitted to the mails as second-class matter, and the postage thereon shall be the same as on other second-class matter, and no more. Sec. 2. That all acts and parts of acts in conflict herewith be, and the same are hereby, repealed. That before the opening of the next session of Congress a conference be held between the officers of the American Federation of Labor and the legislative committee of the American Federation of Labor and of other organizations not as yet affiliated with the American Federation of Labor and a committee of this conference to arrange for a campaign to secure the enactment of the bill herein embodied. (5) That a committee be appointed to gather data relative to our grievances, this data to be furnished to the News Bureau of the American Federation of Labor,to be utilized in the Weekly News Letter of the American Federation of Labor, this committee to be empowered to call another meeting of the conference whenever necessary or advisable. (6) That, except as otherwise provided, the carrying out of the work of this conference be left in the hands of the legislative committee of the American Federation of Lagor and of the Railway Brotherhoods. (7) That, at the completion of this work, all organizations interested shall be requested to subscribe to a fund to be used to cover the expenses that have been incurred, organizations having legislative representatives at Washington not to be inIcluded in the request. President Gompers, Delegates M. Woll and W. J. Adames were selected as a committee to appear before the special commission appointed by President Taft. Delegates Adames, Wall, Connors, Fisher, Salmons, Gompers and Skemp were named as the committee to gather data for the campaign of publicity. President Gompers addressed the conference, earnestly urging the editors present to explain to the membership of their respective organizations the urgent need for funds with which to conduct the McNamara defense. The following resolution was unanimously adopted: Resolved by the editors of official journals and magazines of labor organizations in conference assembled at Chicago, Illinois, this 31st day of July, 1911, That, until proven guilty upon a fair and honest trial, we have every confidence in the innocence of the McNamara brothers, who were kidnaped from their homes and their state without warrant of law and in violation of their constitutional rights to be heard in their defense and to the protection of the state governments under which they live, and forcibly taken to and incarcerated in a Los Angeles jail. We protest against the outrage committed against these men of labor; an outrage which would not and could not have been perpetrated had they been men of means. That, having faith and confidence in the innocence of our men of the grave charges made against them, and realizing the wealth, power and influence of the hostile interests and forces arrayed against them, we pledge our moral and financial support to our incarcerated men, that they may be afforded ample opportunity for defense before the courts, and to the end that the kidnappers may not only be punished, but also that this species of crime against the liberty and sacredness of the rights of man may never again stain the annals of our honored republic. In view of the fact that Judge Wright has apparently resolved to insist upon the imprisonment of President Gompers, Vice President Mitchell and Secretary Morrison of the American Federation of Labor, the following resolution, pledging those present to struggle without ceasing for the preservation of the rights of free speech and a free press, was also adopted: Resolved, by the editors of official journals and magazines of labor organizations in conference assembled at Chicago, Illinois, this 31st day of July, 1911, That, if our Republican institutions and free government is to be maintained and the rights and liberties of our common people sustained and maintained the inalienable constitutional rights of free speech and of free press must be sustained at all hazards. We commend the stand taken by President Gompers in his heroic action in sustaining these precious rights and privileges. further declare and pledge ourselves individually and collectively to never surrender these rights, and to do everything within our power to maintain and forever perpetuate the rights of free speech and a free press. We Mr. W. J. Adames was made permanent chairman of the conference and extended a vote of thanks for his services. Mr. J. C. Skemp was made secretarytreasurer of the conference, and when its work is concluded each organization will be furnished a report of the expenses incurred and notified of the amount which it is expected to contribute towards the payment of the bills. The Secretary was instructed to prepare a report of the proceedings, have it printed and send it to the labor press for publication. J. C. SKEMP, Secretary. RAILROADS IN POLITICS. (By A. A. Graham, Topeka, Kansas.) My first article on this subject was in reply to Mr. R. P. John, a conductor of the Santa Fe, on "The Present Situation and the Part the Railroad Man Should Take," a political paper published in that company's Employes' Magazine. After wading about for a time in shallow water Mr. John finally jumped in all over, and said that the railroad employe could not shirk responsibility for "the present situation," because he had too often failed to assist his company with his vote. My present purpose is to call attention to a paper read before the Santa Fe employes at a meeting of the so-called American Employes' and Investors' Association at Topeka not long ago by Mr. James Mullin, a shop foreman of that company, and printed by the daily papers, on "Where the Railroad's Vote Should Go." I am aware that most official labor journals, from what they call policy, are reluctant to entertain anything of a political nature, and some have rules prohibiting such publications; but, while they are maintaining this position, whether from principle or policy or what-not, the opposition is, by political frame-ups, enabled to thwart all the economic and industrial progress of the brotherhoods, or, what is still more distressing, appropriate their benefits. The corporations, as such, contradistinguished from the employe, certainly need no greater assurance of their own security and predominance than that their employes will take no hand in the political control of the country, because political control is paramount to all others. As shown by the two political subjects above set out, as examples of what the railroads are doing, they are not only taking advantage of the inaction of the brotherhoods on political questions, but are also Mr. Mullin, living at his road's headquar ters, and at the capital of the state, is nearer the guns, and fires at close range against legislation supposedly antagonistic to the interests of his road, making the same charges against the man, not now riding to office on a railroad pass, as was formerly made by the public against the man who did. To controversy there is no end; and crimination is not denied but rather inferred from recrimination, as "You're a liar," "You're another." The only way to meet such a situation is with the facts, showing the effect of recent legislation on railroads by their physical making much medicine by constantly importuning their employes to vote for the interests of their road, and what those interests are, of course they must be told, else they could not know. Conclusion: Employe, lay aside your rights of citizenship, your independence, your patriotism, your intelligence to know and decide, and vote as your road tells you! Having thus stated my conclusion first, to make this article completely backwards, I have now only to review Mr. Mullin's paper: What was said in my first article on this subject, in reply to Mr. John, might, with equal force, be repeated here, as both these employes are pursuing the same course in voicing the scheme of their company. But condition, the service rendered as well as dividends paid. Under the adverse legislation complained of by Mr. Mullin his road has made the greatest, and, in many cases, the only substantial improvements in its history-great office buildings, enlarged shops, modern depots, heavy rail, rock ballast, double track, new and improved equipment may be mentioned as showing progress, until now this road compares favorably with the best in the United States; and, if human greed is not altogether insatiable, we may say the earnings and the dividends have been satisfactory; and, running with all this, too, as a most detrimental factor, may be added bad official management in several most important features. The secret of the whole showing, as far as made, is due to legislation-legislation called adverse by the roads, such as the Interstate Commerce regulations, the stopping of private loot and public plunder of the earnings, and the anti-rebate and anti-pass laws to protect the roads from their friends and those political grafters now off the board, but still the proper men to put in office, as Mr. Mullin, speaking for the road, now contends. The great antagonism, spoken of by Mr. Mullin as existing between the railroads and the public, does not exist, but is only a black devil the roads are constantly dangling before their employes to keep up the fight, to divert their minds from the true state of the case, to keep the employes antagonistic against the public, so they will blame their troubles on the public, not the company. This deception has often been the resort of tyrants and ambitious rulers, to foment foreign troubles to make the nation lose sight of the real troubles at home, as has been exemplified during all the reign of the present emperor of Germany in his constant efforts to provoke a war with France; but the people of Germany have recently become undeceived, and insist they have no foreign quarrel. Precisely the same condition confronts the railroad man, where his officials are constantly putting up before him a straw man to excite his pugilistic propensities, a sort of effigy of Judas, hung by the neck, to be insulted and pommeled every Christmas, to the delight and diversion of the masses; but railroad men have not yet, like the Germans, seen through the delusion, and realized that they have no quarrel with the public nor the public with them. Railroad men know, but seem not to realize, that the American Railroad Employes' and Investors' Association is a political organization, gotten up by the railroads for the purpose of controlling the votes of their employes. The railroads are denying this, but denials are very categorical things, often technical for the purpose of raising the issue only, and especially so in the face of such attempts as that of Mr. Mullin, where, as the authoritative speaker at a meeting of that association, he tells his listeners "Where the Railroad Vote Should Go." The Carman from New York. "No, sir, you shall never as long as I can prevent it marry that Lucy Dexter. Why, my son, I am ashamed of you. Her father is a poor man, a blacksmith. And you, a rich young man, want to disgrace yourself and marry such a woman." "No, I say. "You can never, as long as I have anything to do with you, marry that girl." The father, Mr. Hathaway by name, was talking to his son Jim, endeavoring to lead the boy into the belief that money is the only thing to marry for. "Well, father, I will admit that Lucy is poor, but riches alone do not make a man happy. Why, I would rather have her love even if she is poor than all the money there is in the world." The speaker was a tall, stalwart young man with a bright face and who always had a smile for every one. The girl referred to was a charming young lady, but through no fault of her own was poor. "Well, there is only two things I want to say to you, Jim," said his father. "If you insist on keeping company and wanting to marry that Dexter girl, you can no longer be a son of mine, and if you do marry her, I will cut off your allowance, and never a penny of my money shall you ever get." It took Jim Hathaway only a few minutes to decide whether to stay at home with his ill-natured father or to go out in the world, build himself up at some good trade, and come back and claim the loveliest girl in the world. He finally decided to leave. So the next morning after breakfast he step ped into his father's luxurious reading room and said, "Well, father, I have thought it over and I have come to the conclusion that I will leave here and go to some other country, get a position and try to make my own living. And then if I can make my way, I will marry Lucy and be the happiest man in the world." His father looked up with a frown from the book he was reading and said, "If you do marry her, remember what I have said, that you would never get another penny from me, and that I will disown you as a son. When are you going to leave?" "I am thinking of going today," said Jim. "And what are you expecting to do when you are away?" said his father. "Starve to death, I guess, and in a short while you'll be back here again and beg me to take care of you." "Well, I don't thing I will starve," said Jim. "I am thinking of going to work at something that I can build myself up at and make a good, honest living. Something of this sort will be better to my notion than laying around idling away my time here in New York." "Remember what I said," was his father's parting remark. That morning Jim went over to see Lucy, his sweetheart. She was very sorry to hear that he was going away and quite sad to think that she had been the cause of his leaving. She said, "Jim, if it had not been for me you and your father would have never quarreled. You had better give up your notion of going away from New York out into the world and making your way. You've never been away and have no knowledge how to provide for yourself." "But if you are determined to go, remember that I will always be true to you and will stay with you through thick and thin. And when you come back I will be here waiting for you." "Well, I'll be back for you, Lucy," said Jim. CHAPTER II. A week later young Hathaway found himself in the town of Pittsburg, Kan. He was looking for a job, something, as he had explained to his father, that was honest and that he could make a living at and a little over to provide a home for Lucy. He went to the K. C. S. shops and asked for an interview with the foreman. "You'll find him at that office yonder," said a man in blue overalls. "Can you tell me if he is wanting any inexperienced men?" said Jim. "Well, now, I don't know how he is fixed just at present, but if you were experienced and a card man I'm sure you could land a job," said the man. Hathaway wondered what a card man So he said: was. "I don't believe I quite understand what you mean by a 'card man.'" "Oh," said the man, you know all the boys who are working here are B. R. C. of A. men. We belong to an organization called the Brotherhood of Railway Carmen of America, and if you were a member I'm sure you could get work here." "Well, if I can secure a job here I will promise you that I will join," replied Jim. "Come along and I will show you the foreman, and maybe he will give you a chance.' He led Jim around to the door and showed him where the foreman was busily engaged talking to some of the men. Jim walked up and said, "Beg pardon, sir, are you the foreman?" "Yes, sir," said the man. "What can I do for you this morning?" "Well, I am looking for a job," said Jim. "Something where there is a chance for advancement." "Do you belong to the Carmen?" said the foreman. "No," said Jim, "but if you will give me a job I will promise to join as soon as I can be admitted." "I can start you in as a helper; the wages are $2.10 per day, and after you have worked around here a while I may be able to increase your wages," said the foreman. "All right, that will be fine," said Jim. "When can I start?" "In the morning if you like. Be here in the morning at 7 o'clock. I will put you on the freight repair gang." That evening Jim went up town to buy him some working clothes. He purchased two suits of overalls. He was sure that the labels on them bore the union mark, as he had noticed that morning that the men at the shop all wore union made overalls. He went up to his boarding house, donned his new overalls, and looked at his reflection in the mirror with a smile of satisfaction. "Well, I don't make a bad looking workman after all. I just wonder what Lucy would say if she could see me in my new outfit?" That night he sat down and wrote Lucy a long letter. He told her of his good luck in getting a job at the shop, and that he liked the town. He also told her of his intention of joining the Brotherhood, and that all the boys where he was going to work belonged to the noble order, the Brotherhood Railway Carmen of America. The next morning bright and early he went to th shop ready for work whistling a little tune, "The Girl I Left Behind Me." He reported to the foreman and asked him if he was ready for him to go to work. "Yes," said the foreman, "I will put you with that young fellow over there." "Here, Conny," he called to a young man who was just starting to a car, "this fellow will be your buddy for a while. He is just a new cne, but I want you to make a carman out of him." "Come along," said Conny. Jim followed him out to the tool house and got a box of tools. "Now," said Conny, "we will start to tearing down these timbers. You take one timber and I will take the other." "All right," sail Jim. He waited until he saw Conny remove one of the nuts from the timber and then he tried to do likewise. "Ever work at it before?" said Conny. "No," Jim replied. "I never worked at anything like this before. I am just from New York. All I ever did back East was to work in my father's office." "Well, I will try to of you," said Conny. to do is to try and do make a carman out "All you will have as I tell you." The two young men got along very well that day, and Jim said to himself on his way to his new home that night: "Well, if car whacking is like this all the time I will like it, I am sure," and he felt rather glad that he had left New York. CHAPTER III. When pay-day came he made out an application to the B. R. C. of A. and was admitted to the lodge the following meeting night. He thought as he was going home after the meeting that if a man would live up to the obligations that he had taken at the Bible that there would be less trouble and that each man would work in harmony with his fellow man. He attended lodge every meeting night, and when something came up for the good and welfare of the Brotherhood he was always a loyal true supporter of it, and he always had a good word to say to the younger men. He was always doing his best to elevate our craft. Every pay-day he went to the bank and deposited a portion of his savings, his one |