to them that he was ready and willing to support their plan of Reform? Was it the same Sir Francis Burdett, who made this declaration, that now came forward to accuse the Whigs of hugging infamy to their bosom, and to apply to them epithets of the most degrading description?" Yes, it is the same Sir Francis Burdett that was willing to support the Concentrics at Liverpool; and it is the same Sir Francis Burdett who, after all that has passed here, is ready still to support the Whigs, provided they will pledge themselves to support any substantial or effectual Reform of the Representation of the People in the Commons House of Parliament. I have no private animosities to gratify, or private interests to advance. I can only feel an interest in promoting the general liberty of the country. Having this object only in view, I care not for the distinctions of party. I want too to know what are the Whig principles on the subject of Reform? Mr. Lamb says that he will follow Sir Samuel Romilly. What is Sir Samuel Romilly's plan? Let us know the plan of which he says that he will be the advocate, and if it be an honest Reform, I'll combat in the ranks with Mr. Lamb to promote it. But our opponents fly from particulars when they allude to Reform. And when you insist that they were once the advocates for Radical Reform, "O!" they say, "they never meant any such thing." What injustice do they not do to the memory of Mr. Fox, whom they pretend to revere, who was the Advocate of this Reform! My own ears heard him say, that he once thought some public good might be effected without a Reform in Parliament, but that he had since changed his mind, and was convinced nothing could be done without a Reform. I also heard him declare that he would accept of no part in any administration, high or low, of which Reform was not the basis. I am charged with moving on different principles-I say in reply that I do not that I now stand on the same position which I always occupied-it is my accusers who have changed, and who, like ignorant people at sea, imagine the land to be receding from them when they are in fact receding from the land.-(Great cheering.) I am on the precise spot of ground on which I first placed my foot, and am opposed in principle in this contest to men with whom, in other times, and under other circumstances, I have co-operated(true.) If you should have again Whig Ministers, it is far from impossible that I should sit on the same seat which Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Canning will then occupy. I shall do my duty, and I trust you will do yours. By supporting the principle of Reform in the present crisis, you will raise your own character, and advance your favourite object, which is nothing else than a Reform in the Commons House of Parliament, whose corruption is as notorious as the Sun at noon-day, whose burdens have pressed heavily on the country, and are now too heavy for the people much longer to bear. I exhort you all not to lose a moment in promoting this cause. I shall not cease my exertions for a single instant, and I hope you will not relax in yours. If we BOTH do our duty, be the result what it may, we shall at least have to say that we have brought through this great cause of the Liberties of our Country against the united power of all the factions and influence that our opponents have been able to array against us.-(Shouts of applause.) The whole of this speech was heard without the slightest interruption from the vast audience, except such as arose from the repeated cheers as sentences carried conviction to the Electors. Indeed the Reformers may safely stand or fall by this reply of Sir Francis Burdett to all the charges which all the Whigs have been able to bring against the great Representative for Westminster. The wonder will be-how the young men, young as they were, would suffer themselves to be made the organs of statements so ridiculous and so utterly false; but after Mr. Lamb's congratulating himself on his increased popularity when he could not speak for hisses, and proclaiming Mr. Hobhouse's decreased popularity, when he knew that Mr. Hobhouse was opposed only by a gang hired by the Whigs,-after such double duplicity and assurance, the reader will not be surprised at any thing said or done by the Whigs, he will have still stranger things laid before him by and by. When Sir Francis Burdett and Mr. Hobhouse had retired from the hustings amidst the applauses of the people, Mr. Bowie came forward. The notice taken by all the Papers, except the Chronicle, was-that the determination not to hear him was so decidedly pronounced, that he could not be heard. Indeed when Mr. Bowie had finished his attempt, there was an appearance so hostile to him amongst the people, that he thought proper to retire for shelter to the King Street Committee, where he was put out of the way of all future hisses and hootings. The Whigs of the Chronicle, however, not having any more of Mr. Hunt's* speeches against Sir Francis Burdett to record, * In the Morning Chronicle of Tuesday, March 2, appeared the following ungracious paragraph respecting Mr. Hunt: "We understand that Mr. Cleary has commenced proceedings against Mr. Hunt, as well as the Proprietor of the New Times and Champion, who have thought proper to give circulation to that person's calumnious attacks upon his character." Mr. Gale Jones also seemed to have fallen from the height of Whig favor, for notwithstanding the Whig Reporter pretended to have heard Mr. Bowie, he said of the other orator: "Mr. GALE JONES said a few words, but we could not hear one word of what he said." and indeed having now somewhat ungratefully dropped their late connexion with him, turned upon that individual, and thought proper to insert a speech sent to them by Mr. Bowie, without taking the least notice of the opposition encountered by that gentleman. According to the Morning Chronicle then Mr. BowIE said-Gentlemen, I have been blamed by a number of my worthy friends among the Reformers, for the part I have acted on this important occasion. I am now on my defence, and I have humbly to request your indulgence for a hearing, and then it will be for you to pronounce whatever judgment your deliberation and candour will dictate. By some persons, who are more distinguished for their vociferation and clamour, than for discretion and understanding, I have been branded as a turn-coat. It is difficult for me to say, whether this accusation is more contemptible for its absurdity, or its falsehood. My coat (meaning principles) is interwoven with materials that are in fact immutable, the wind may blow and the storm may pelt any quarter upon it, but still they remain stedfast, because they are founded upon a rock, and that rock is truth. A variety of circumstances conspired together on the 17th November, to prevent the Major's being then nominated with a chance of proper effect, and things were managed in such a way, as completely to paralyze the wishes of his most anxious friends, and as far as appearances then went, to the heartfelt grief of several persons, the Major was left entirely out of the question, and it was not until within a few days of the Election that I entertained the smallest idea that he would again be nominated. Besides, whatever part I acted subsequently to the 17th November, in lending my humble support to Mr. Hobhouse, it was solely under the express consideration of his entertaining precisely the same sentiments on the great vital question of Reform, as those which were published in a clear and unanswerable manner by my venerable friend; but when the evidence began to accumulate upon me, to the conviction that I was labouring under a mistake in this respect, I considered my obligations to continue my support to Mr. Hobhouse were in that case, as were indeed allowed by himself, to be entirely cancelled; because 1 had made up my mind, that I would give my vote to no man who would not honestly and manfully step forward and declare these his precise sentiments on that all important question. Although I had no hand whatever in bringing forward Major Cartwright till within three or four days of the election, yet the moment he was publicly announced as intended to be nominated, I was bound in conscience to renew my prior obligation of preferring him to any other man living; and it would be paying the two Honorable Candidates a very bad compliment indeed to compare either of them to the Worthy Major-yea, it would be little short of insulting the feelings and understandings of these Gentlemen to draw such comparison. To illustrate this matter a little more forcibly, I shall quote as near as possible the precise words of the Honorable Baronet, Sir Francis Burdett, himself, in the hearing of two gentlemen and myself. The Baronet then said, "That no doubt from the immense services performed to the cause of Reform by Major Cartwright, he, of all others, presented the highest claims for the suffrages of the electors of Westminster, and were he to vote for any one he would give his vote to the Major;" and these sentiments being expressed, as I understand, to a number of individuals, it was fairly liable to be treated not as a matter of mere private, opinion, but as a conviction which, if he had sincerely, fairly, and laudably acted upon, would have doubtless proved one of the great means in carrying, triumphantly, the honest and able advocate of the cause into the House; where, with the powerful support of the Baronet, they would have been enabled to do more for the furtherance of the grand question of Reform than any other two individuals could possibly accomplish. Gentlemen, let it not be believed, that whatever way the present contest should terminate, it will diminish the strength of the Real Reform Cause, either here or throughout the kingdom, one iota. The grand march of public opinion is such as to defy all the power of any body of men to arrest its progress towards the goal of universal freedom, that which is the birthright of every Englishman; and they ask no more-they have no right to be content with less. It is said to require great "bodily exertion," &c. to be an efficient Member of that House; what useful exertion is necessary that the energetic Cartwright would not lend his able hand to accomplish? Is a pugilistic combatant absolutely re-, quired for that House?-or is something like the Olympic Games now to be celebrated within the walls of St. Stephen's ?—in which case the aged Patriarch of Reform, though still vigorous, might stand but a poor chance with such Gentlemen as However it is perfectly evident that he is capable, and can and will do more work for you, the people, than any one among the youngest of them all; yet, the privileged class among the 300,000 inhabitants of this great and high spirited City, have rewarded 45 years of enlightened, patriotic, and unparalleled exertions in the public cause with 37 votes. The pen of the faithful and impartial historian will be best able to hold up this subject in its true and proper light, and do justice to the character of the excellent man whose cause as your cause I honestly vindicate.-The intelligent, honest, and brave Captain John Cartwright for ever, huzza! The Chronicle of this day contained the following letter: announcing, that Major Cartwright had not withdrawn. "Sir, It being announced in your paper of this day that 'Major Cartwright has withdrawn,' I request you to correct that error tomorrow morning. 66 Having been put in nomination—not by myself, but by others, such an act on my part would be presumption. "From a gentleman who was immediately concerned in the nomination, I have been just informed that there is no such intention as that of withdrawing my name. "I remain, Sir, your obedient Servant, James Perry, Esq.” 1 The reader must now pretty well see the part taken by the Chronicle in this Election: he will have read Mr. Hobhouse's speech of this day, compiled as it is here from the Times, the British Press, and a note communicated by Mr. Hobhouse, which he held in his hand when he spoke he will have seen the facts as to the hiring of the gang, and their comportment, as well as the conduct of the people, stated exactly as they occurred. After this, he is requested to look to the note below, which contains the report given in the Morning Chronicle of Mr. Hobhouse's speech; and, when he has read it, * "Mr. HOBHOUSE came forward amidst some applause, with much disapprobation. He felt that the state of the weather had prevented many of their friends from coming forward, and he could not but complain of the undue means to which the other side had recourse, for he knew that two men had been brought into the Committee-room that day in a bleeding state. He felt no doubt but that there would be murder committed that evening by a party who were hired, he believed, for the purpose. But he would yet prove to the satisfaction of the country in a Court of Law, in a short time, that such hiring of ruffians was the case, and that they had been paid for the very purpose of making such confusion. It had been said that the friends of Mr. Lamb were denied free access to the hustings. This he denied, for he knew, and so did the other party also, that all had the same access to the poll during the Election. It was much to be deplored that such things should. take place. Such had been the case when Sir Murray Maxwell was brought for ward, and when a gang under the superintendence of Caleb Baldwin, who, as he was told, was peculiarly active on that occasion. He charged the other side with hiring that party to create a disturbance (loud hisses and applauses). Here Mr. Hob T |