meaning. Let them read that creed, and see how it was possible for any man to utter it, and yet claim the character of a friend to Radical Reform. What was implied in the expression of Radical Reform? It obviously meant the eradicating the abuses which had crept in, those weeds which polluted the constitution, and the destruction of that mass of corruption which had so long prevailed. There was not a wish to overturn the tree itself, or in any respect to injure it, but as good gardeners, it was their duty to dig round its roots and loosen the earth. He defied any man to say what that individual meant when he spoke of the extension of the suffrage. Was he a proper person to draw the distinction between who should enjoy the elective franchise and who should not? Was he to say who was worthy of the name of man, and who was to be branded with the odious epithet of slave? If he was, unquestionably his powers were more than human, and his genius more enlightened and brilliant than the rest of the creation. Speaking, however, in that very memorable creed which he read on Saturday, he had said that the largest extension of the suffrage would, in his opinion, be the better way. Now, was there ever any thing more absurd; and in the name of common sense he would ask, was there ever a doctrine (if doctrine it may be called) more unintelligible?(Loud applause.) Mr. Hobhouse had strong objections to Annual Parliaments, but he could see none to elections taking place every thirteen, fourteen, twenty, or twenty-four months. This was another specimen of his intelligible opinions; but if Parliaments were very good which continued for two years, why did he and the friends of Triennial Elections not split the difference, and at once agree to have them continue only two years and six months? Surely if they had one bad member, twelve months was long enough to allow him to play the rogue. He was confident the Electors of Westminster would not support those who had plundered the armoury of Major Cartwright, and fought with his own weapons against himself. It was ridiculous to talk of the age and incompetency of that venerable patriot. When a long life had been stamped throughout with upright principles, inflexible integrity, and pure love to the Constitution, the person had a double claim to support, and his principles to be supported and cherished. As it was now too late for him to go on further, he would take a future opportunity of addressing them on other points of equal importance, to which it was impossible for him even to allude at present. His voice would always be raised in the cause of freedom and the people, notwithstanding all the opposition he might meet with, and they might rest assured that no effort on his part should be wanting to shew them that

-No proud nor noble knave,
Can walk with credit to the grave.""

At the close of this speech Mr. HUNT begged a five minutes audience for Mr. Gale Jones, which, however, he was unable to obtain, the people probably considering that having already seen four orators rise against Mr. Hobhouse's single speech, it was fair play to desist for the present from any further attack. Mr. Hunt then promised that Mr. Gale Jones should be in attendance to-morrow. The meeting broke up about six o'clock.

TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 16.-SECOND DAY.

Ar the close of the first day's poll, the committee conducting the election of Mr. Hobhouse, issued the following handbill and advertisement:

"REFORM OF PARLIAMENT.

"Electors of Westminster.-To oppose you the Factions have once more coalesced; they have thrown off the mask of pretended hostility to each other, and both Whigs and Tories are now united to prevent the exercise of your free choice. Remember that all History has proved that the coalition of factions has been destructive of the Liberties of the People. Continue your exertions, your victory is certain the Faction will be annihilated. Come early to the Poll To-morrow-vote for the man you have chosen-vote for HOBHOUSE, the Friend of Universal Liberty and RADICAL Reform of Parliament.

Subscriptions to defray the Expences of the Election are received at the Committee Room, King-street, Covent-garden; and by Mr. Samuel Brooks, Treasurer, 110, Strand."

"Your WHIG Enemy, who seeks a Seat to destroy Your LIBERTIES, may send you Letters of Thanks for your Votes; but

you will not expect thanks from a COMMITTEE of YOURSELVES, acting for You, and by YOUR MEANS ONLY to PRESERVE YOUR LIBERTIES.

"Canvass among Yourselves for Yourselves; and gain for Yourselves another glorious Victory.

"Come to the Poll without delay, and return the MAN selected by Yourselves, by a large Majority.

STATE OF THE POLL.-FIRST DAY.

Mr. Lamb repeated his advertisement in the newspapers. Major Cartwright's friends contented themselves with placards. There was but little pleasantry attempted during any part of the Election. Mr. Hobhouse's friends reminded the public, that Mr. George Lamb was the author of "Whistle for it," a farce, enacted and damned at Covent-garden theatre. The principal joke of this gentleman and his friends was the picture of a horse's rump without a tail. The next best joke was a ballad, of which the burthen was allusive to Mr. Hobhouse's father, and ran in these words,

"And like his old father, he'll soon catch a mouse."

The Morning Chronicle also of this day (Tuesday), contained the following paragraph:

"Mr. Hobhouse, in his tirade against the Whigs, forgot all the filial piety of which he boasted in his first address to the Electors of Westminster. He surely is old enough to recollect that Sir Benjamin himself was once a Whig."

Mr. Hunt dispersed amongst the crowd at the hustings, a similar jeu d'esprit, as the papers called it.

"Sir Benjamin Hobhouse, a Place-holder, and his Son John, a Place-hunter.

The Morning Chronicle, at a subsequent period, improved upon the pleasantry of Mr. Hunt, and had a paragraph touching a great Carnatic Rat, who had frequented Manchester Buildings, having been seen in Covent Garden. This was the general turn of humour against Mr. Hobhouse, or rather against Mr. Hobhouse's father and considering that it came from those who had objected to Mr. Hobhouse's saying, that the name of Lamb was to be found amongst the Whigs who voted for the suspension bill and indemnity bill, it will shew how difficult it is to resist the temptation of cutting a joke, especially a good one.

It was a very wet day, and the polling was by no means active. Sir Francis Burdett, preceded by a band and banners with patriotic inscriptions, and followed by about fifty of the Electors of St. James's parish, voted for Mr. Hobhouse at one o'clock. At the usual hour the two candidates made their appearance at the hustings. Mr. Hobhouse was this day accompanied by Sir Francis Burdett, and both these gentlemen were received by the people with shouts of applause. Mr. Lamb also was cheered by those immediately under and about his end of the hustings, but the people bleated and hissed, and a sheep's head white on one side and black on the other, with Whig written on one ear and Tory on the other, was danced about before him to the great delight of the multitude. When the numbers were announced they stood thus:

Mr. Hobhouse then stepped forward. He spoke as follows:"Gentlemen, your cause is again at the head of the poll-and I have no doubt but that, in spite of every art which will be resorted to by your opponent, it will still continue to triumph. I say, in spite of all the arts that will be resorted to-for I have now in my hand a proof of one of the most extraordinary artifices that has ever been practised at a contested election. Gentlemen, the paper to which I call your attention, comes from the Committee of my learned opponent. It contains certain observations on the declaration which I made on Saturday last, with respect to my opinion on

*The Compilers might have added, that Mr. Hobhouse, in mentioning the name of Mr. William Lamb as voting for the suspension and indemnity bill, threw out no family allusions whatsoever, but merely reminded the people, that a Whig sitting on the opposition bench often voted against the People. To reply by saying that Sir Benjamin Hobhouse also voted the same way was ridiculous, and nothing to the purpose, he being in direct political opposition to his son, and not as Mr. William Lamb is, in direct political friendship with his brother.-Ed.

Parliamentary Reform. If this paper, which I will now read to you, does not come from the Committee of the Learned Gentleman, I should thank him to disavow it; but it comes, I am positive, from that repository.-(Applauses.)—That paper says, Gentlemen, that, in the City of Westminster, You have a right of suffrage, almost universal.' This is a positive fallacy-for your City contains 168,000 inhabitants, and you have not 14,000 Electors. So that, in fact, not so much as a tenth of your population has a right to vote. (Applause.) What then,' (continued this paper) does Mr. Hobhouse mean, by saying that he would give the utmost extent to the right of election? Why, he means to extend the right of suffrage in other places, but to abridge it in the City of Westminster?' Now, I ask, under what pretext could they make so infamous an assertion? I never declared any such sentiments. But the author of the paper tells you, that when returned to Parliament, Mr. Hobhouse means to disfranchise the great body of the Electors.' I ask of my Learned Opponent, and I put it to that honour which he is known to possess, to answer me, how he dares, or how his Committee dares to assert, that I mean, when in Parliament, to disfranchise the Electors of Westminster? The paper goes on to say, 'The opulent shopkeeper, the rich householder, he will leave in full possession of their votes-but he will deprive the honest mechanic, the industrious artisan, the humble labourer, of his rights.' Gentlemen, this is going beyond the usual artifice resorted to at elections. It is a sad thing, that those persons give us, at the very outset of the election, a proof of the means by which they intend, if possible, to carry it. The Hon. Gentleman who seconded the nomination of my Learned Opponent, began by telling you a gross falsehood about myself-and almost the first placard which the party have issued, contains a gross insult to your understandings, and is so treacherous, so contemptible, so every way unworthy of the persons from whom it proceeds, that I know not how they can reconcile it with their characters, or with your known intelligence, to suppose that you would be gulled by such a production. (Applause.) After this, can you ever believe any thing that proceeds from this Committee? (No! no!') Gentlemen, these papers were handed out, last night, from the Committee-room of my Learned Opponent, Mr. James Macdonald being in the Chair at the time. (Applause.) I now ask that Gentleman whether it is not a positive fact, that the bill I now hold in my hand proceeded from this Committee? (Applause.) Did it not, Mr. Macdonald? (Applause.)-(Mr. Macdonald declined answering the question.)— This, Gentlemen, is not the way in which the questions of a person who presents himself to your notice ought to be treated. This is not the manner in which the character of any man, who sets up as