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Between twelve and one o'clock the great room of the Crown and Anchor Tavern was nearly filled, and Mr. Hunt had, as usual, taken his seat at the table, and had commenced a prefatory harangue to the assembly. At one o'clock, Sir Francis Burdett, accompanied by Mr. Hobhouse, Mr. Bruce, Mr. Clarke, and about fifty of the electors principally concerned in the intended nomination entered the room. At that moment it was not at all known to the assembly who was to be proposed. Mr. Kinnaird's communication had not been made public. Some thought that Major Cartwright, would have been mentioned, especially as his friend Mr. Clarke, and also Mr. Wooler, were present. Certainly the room was open to all persons, and persons of all parties were present, as appeared by the subsequent proceedings. Even some of Sir Murray Maxwell's supporters were recognized in the croud, which exceeded the numbers usually present, and amounted, it is supposed, to fifteen hundred persons. Sir FRANCIS BURDETT having taken the chair, rose, and opened the meeting

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"Sir FRANCIS observed that the public advertisement which had brought them together clearly explained that it was in consequence of the recent loss which they had sustained, and the necessity of supplying it. The occasion was undoubtedly most important, at the same time that the circumstances which led to it were awful and distressing. Before, however, he proceeded to the business of the day, he thought it right to disclose the contents of a letter which he had received from a gentleman who had considerable claims to their favour; and who would probably have been, in the event of his coming personally forward, the object of their choice. The gentleman to whom he alluded was Mr. Douglas Kinnaird, who had withdrawn himself entirely from their consideration as a candidate, by a statement which he was requested to communicate to them; and in which Mr. Kinnaird regretted that engagements, which he felt to be binding on him, would prevent his attendance at this meeting, and deprive him of the opportunity of paying his tribute of respect to the memory of their late representative, and of mixing his own with the general grief. The letter went on to say, that as his name might probably be mentioned, it was his earnest wish to have it made known as early as possible, that his duties towards the citizens of Westminster must be limited, as heretofore, to the character of an elector. As, therefore, (resumed Sir. F. Burdett) this gentleman had placed himself out of the question, it was incumbent on them to consider what other person it might be most advisable for them to nominate, in order to fill up the vacancy left by the death of their late lamented representative. It would be improper for him, in the situation which he now held, to offer any opinions of his own, with regard to the personal quali

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fications of individuals. It was his duty to attend to all that might be offered, and to collect impartially the sense of the room upon every proposition that should be submitted.

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cealed that they were in a state of some danger; and of danger arising from a circumstance somewhat singular. The first difficulty which they had to surmount was not a want, but a variety of choice. Five or six names had already been mentioned to him, each of which he had reason to believe belonged to a man of independent and unexceptionable character. All appeared to him equally eligible; all had frequently been before the public eye, and were, he had not the shadow of a doubt, animated with the same spirit, prepared to answer the wishes of their constituents by faithfully discharging their own duty. They must be cautious, therefore, least the embarrassment of their wealth itself should turn out to be the source of their weakness. (Loud applause.) It might be proper to remind them, that they incurred the risk, amidst all this variety, of disunion amongst themselves; and that the probable consequence of this disunion would be, that some Government tool would be forced upon them, to the lasting disgrace of Westminster, and to the damping of that spirit, and retarding that progress of reform, for which they had so long, and he hoped not ineffectually contended. (Renewed applause.) With regard to their late representative, he found it impossible to pass over this opportunity of testifying at once his grief and his respect. To them, the electors of Westminster, as well as to the country at large, the loss which they had sustained was the more unfortunate, inasmuch as it was the loss of a man possessing the highest abilities and the purest character, at the moment which was best calculated to afford scope for the free play of his talents and integrity. He had been placed by their suffrages in a situation which would have enabled him to follow up his own enlightened schemes for the public good, without yielding to the authority of inferior minds, or finding his great exertions checked by the influence of party. Of this able and deeply lamented coadjutor, he had been deprived, under circumstances, and at a time, when, although for his own honour and credit with posterity, and with reference to that measure of good which he had previously rendered to his country and to mankind, he had lived long enough, yet, nevertheless, at a time when, although his own glory was sufficiently established, he had it in his power to be of more service to the public than perhaps any other man. (Applause.) He had died full of honours for himself, leaving his countrymen filled with admiration and regret, and a name behind him which never could be mentioned without a sigh. (Applause.) In disburdening themselves, however, of their sense of this calamity, so far as to undertake the discharge of the duty which had devolved on them, it should

still induce them to regard, with a more scrutinizing eye, the claims of every one who might be proposed to fill up so great a chasm. Above all things, he was desirous of impressing on their minds what he had touched upon at the outset of his address-that the difficulty consisted not in the paucity of those who were perfectly qualified to represent them, and might probably be submitted to their choice; but in selecting one from many, all of whom were possessed of claims equally satisfactory and indisputable. In the conduct of this selection it was that, unless they should act with unanimity, and rally around one individual, they would incur the hazard, if not the certainty, of a defeat by the influence of Government. (Applause.) Such was his respect for the several individuals whose names had been transmitted to him, that he could sincerely declare his opinion to be, that if those names were put in a balloting box, the first that might be drawn would be a very proper person to serve as their representative. But as some choice must be exercised, their first care should be to preserve unity amongst themselves. When one name was adopted, he hoped they would all steadily adhere to it, and that the friends of liberty would not again suffer themselves to be divided. (Applause.) Their grand and paramount interest on this occasion was to exhibit to the world a spirit of unanimity, both with a view to the preservation of their own character, and in order to prevent that dreadful evil to which disunion would necessarily lead-the debasement of their city, and the triumph of a venal and corrupt administration. (Loud applause.) Appealing, therefore, now to their indulgence, for having so long trespassed on their attention, he would proceed with the business of the day. (Great applause.)

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Mr. BRUCE observed, his object in now rising was to state, that he knew no man more capable of supplying the loss, and of maintaining with energy the same principles, than the gentleman whom he was about to nominate. He was known to them all by his active and unwearied exertions during the last election, in support of their Hon. Chairman, by the talents and promptitude displayed on more than one occasion, and by an eloquence which promised to render him one of the brightest ornaments of the Senate. After the first resolution therefore, which he held in his hand, and which expressed in general terms the purpose for which they were then assembled, it was his intention to submit a second, proposing John Hobhouse, Esq. as a fit and proper person to represent the city of Westminster in Parliament. (Applause.) Nothing but a sense of public duty, and he was not ashamed to state, in conjunction with that of private friendship, could have induced him to put that gentleman in nomination. But it did appear to him, that qualified as he was by literary talents, by general knowledge, and by zeal for their cause, they

could not, on their part, perform a greater service to that cause than by giving him their unanimous support. (Long continued applause.)

Mr.THELWALL begged it to be known that he was not actuated by any feeling of hostility to Sir Francis Burdett. When, after a long absence, an old acquaintance appears once more among his former friends, he may be excused for adverting to the circumstances which have kept him so long out of view. Twenty-one years had now elapsed since he withdrew from public notice, after having fought his way through bands of ruffians who wished to murder him. He then made a resolution not to interfere with political opinions in public, unless he should find himself independent from his professional exertions, or some public emergency should require that life itself was not too dear to be laid down in the public service. The first of these contingencies had been prevented, he believed, by the political feelings which he was known to cherish in private; and as to the second part of the dilemma, he believed that there was at present an emergency which affected every individual in the nation. If we look abroad, what do we see but an illegitimate bond of legitimacy, which links allied sovereigns against the freedom of their people? But while we look abroad, let us not forget to look at home. What do we see but an attempt to establish military power? I believe I must not call it military despotism; that perhaps would be treason, and I do not wish to commit that crime again. (A laugh.) The situation of the country at this moment is of extreme importance. It is a reason why a man who has been silent for 21 years should open his mouth. (Signs of impatience, and cries of" Question.") If he deviated from the question, the Chair would call him to order. It was necessary to attend to the state of parties, particularly in Westminster. They could not have forgotten the proceedings at the late election. The division of the friends of liberty on that occasion had distressed him more than the loss of his own liberty had done. (Cries of "Question.") These divisions had threatened even the return of their old and faithful representative, the honourable Chairman, and the only independent member in the House. They obtained, indeed, a great victory ultimately, by returning him ; but the effort was too late, because it did not put him in his proper place, at the head of the poll. (Applause.) Let them now take care, that the organized and drilled band of corruption did not rout the light infantry of reform, while divided and scattered. It appeared to him that the most certain mode of securing success would be, unanimity in favour of a person who would pledge himself to vote against the Minister. His own principle was, that if we cannot have a quartern, we should take a twopenny loaf rather than starve. Nothing is politically desirable but what is morally possible. Therefore let us take what we can get. We are the rallying point of

reform, to which all the Reformers through the kingdom look for an example. Who can co-operate with us? All who hate military power; even the Whigs themselves, who are true to their principles. If we find a man who will act up to his principles, whatever degree of reform he pledges himself for, let us support him. But if we have divisions, the Minister will triumph; and, oh! what a triumph will that be! The biscuit-baker of the Minister will reproach us for returning a tool of Government. (Applause.) He would conclude with one word of advice. If there is a man who will attach himself to a leader of whom he knows nothing, but from whom he expects to receive his hire, let him excite divisions. If there is a man who has the love of his country in his heart, and who is anxious for reform, let him endeavour to preserve unanimity.

Mr. HOBHOUSE now rose and spoke to this effect:

Gentlemen, This morning I received a request from a respectable body of the Electors of Westminster to attend the present meeting had I not been so invited, I should not have presumed to be here, for I am not an elector. Such a request, and the resolutions you have just heard, I can attribute only to those exertions, humble indeed, but zealous, which I was permitted to add to those noble efforts that secured your triumph in the late contest for the independence of this great city. The last occasion of our meeting was on the eve of a victory; we are now as it were following a funeral. It was then much less embarrassing for me to address you: what I then had to say was on your behalf; I am now to speak on a subject, on which of all others I am the least qualified or inclined to enlarge-on myself.-Electors of Westminster, you have heard me nominated to succeed the great man whom you have just lost: what may be the issue of that nomination I will not presume to foretell. The cause is your own; you are the best judges, and are most inte rested, as to the choice of the person who is to be the advocate of that cause. A friendly voice from amongst you has asked, who is he? I must answer this question negatively. I am not arrayed in the attractions which belong to many of the candidates for popular confidence: I am allied to no great family either by blood or connexion: I am the child of no party: I am the champion of no individual interests. On the other hand, I may add, that I am not known to you by any real disqualification. If I have lived hitherto in private life, I have been at least saved from the commission of any of those delinquencies, of which, unfortunately for England, consists the notoriety of the greater part of our public men. Allow me, if you will, to be young and inexperienced; it is surely better that I should be your pupil, than (as would, perhaps, be the case with a veteran politician,) you should be my dupe.-I stand here before you, Electors, with nothing to recommend me but my principles.

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