the poor. (Prov. 22. 7) And this their general intercourse, with the superiority on one hand, and dependence on the other, are in no sort accidental, but arise necessarily from a settled providential disposition of things, for their common good. Here then is a real, standing relation between the rich and the poor." §§ 6, 7

To this a century later, John Stuart Mill, economist and member of Parliament, made reply.

"No times can be pointed out in which the higher classes of this or any other country performed a part even distantly resembling the one assigned to them in this theory. It is an idealisation grounded on the conduct of here and there an individual. All privileged and powerful classes, as such, have used their power in the interest of their own selfishness, and have indulged their self-importance ino despising, and not in lovingly caring for, those who were, in their estimation, degraded, by being under the necessity of working for their benefit. I am quite sensible to all that is seductive in the picture of society which this theory presents . (but) what is there in the present state of society to make it natural that human beings, of ordinary strength and courage, should glow with the warmest gratitude and devotion in return for protection? The laws protect them; wherever the laws do not criminally fail of in their duty. To be under the power of some one, instead of being as formerly the sole condition of safety, is now, generally speaking, the only situation which exposes to grievous wrong. The so-called protectors are now the only persons against whom, in any ordinary circumstances, protection is needed." 168

When Archdeacon Paley, many years later, essayed the role of a spiritual protector for the English 'peasants,' he, too, fell under this ban, as of the class against whom protection was needed by the people. If the reader desires to know the actual situation of the poor in Paley's day, before reading Paley's Reasons for Contentment addressed to the Labouring Part of the British Public, 169 he will find this information at the hand of the rector of Barkham, David Davies, in Chapter XI.

At least it will be well to know in advance Paley's estimate of the place the people should have and keep in the nation. He does not give this estimate to the

'labouring part of the British public,' but stores it in his general works as follows:

"The condition most favourable to population, is that of a laborious frugal people ministering to the demands of an opulent luxurious nation." 170

"Such a form of society," comments Thomas Malthus, whose teachings as a clergyman and an economic philosopher more than accord with Paley's, "has not, it must be confessed, an inviting aspect. Nothing but the conviction of its being absolutely necessary could reconcile us to the idea of ten millions of people condemned to incessant toil, and to the privation of every thing but absolute necessaries, in order to minister to the excessive luxuries of the other million." 171

Taking up Paley's words to these millions, a brief analysis of his arguments is first in order, following which we shall have witness of the consummate genius that was dedicated to the fastening of slavery upon the people in the name of God. Pages of the tract are indicated, point by point.

The 'peasant' (15) is advised to keep his mind off the subject of wealth, and put it on his work. Only envy and discontent can possibly follow the diversion of the labourer's thoughts from his occupation to his condition. Wealth is indeed attended with evils, but the subject is beyond the grasp of the poor man's mind. Religion will help him conquer his disposition to think otherwise, for it will unfold to him "a prospect which makes all earthly distinctions nothing." (21) "God knows that I," he says, "could not get my livelihood by labour, nor would the labourer find solace or enjoyment in my studies,' (19) So to exchange conditions with anybody else would only make a man miserable and his work worse. (20) “Christianity alone can comfort. (21) It will neither serve happiness and well-being, nor be less than wickedness and folly, to break up and sacrifice the ancient course and habit of living with its attendant orders and distinctions. 22)

This is distinctly class-God reasoning, but now to see the downright genius of Paley, and his talent for the work in hand. First the very readable introduction, with its story-like entertainment and charm. In coming under this charm, and under the spell of Paley's arguments that follow, it will be well to have in mind

that Paley himself was well off, being a man of property, and possessed of a good income as a clergyman besides.

"Human life has been said to resemble the situation of spectators in a theatre, where, whilst each person is engaged by the scene which passes before him, no one thinks about the place in which he is seated. It is only when the business is interrupted, or when the spectator's attention to it grows idle and remiss, that he begins to consider at all, who is before him, whether others are better accommodated than himself, or whether many be not much worse. It is thus with the various ranks and stations of society. So long as a man is intent upon the duties and concerns of his own condition he never things of comparing it with any other; he is never troubled with reflections upon the different classes and orders of mankind, the advantages and disadvantages of each, the necessity or non-necessity of civil distinctions, much less does he feel within himself a disposition to covet or envy any of them. He is too much taken up with the occupation of his calling, its pursuits, cares, and business, to bestow unprofitable meditations upon the circumstances in which he sees others placed. And by this means a man of sound and active mind has, in his very constitution, a remedy against the disturbance of envy and discontent. These passions gain no admittance into his breast, because there is no leisure or vacancy for the traits of thought which generate them. He enjoys therefore ease in this respect, and ease resulting from the best cause, the power of keeping his imagination at home; of confining it to what belongs to himself, instead of sending it forth to wander amongst speculations which have neither limits nor use, admidst views of unattainable grandeur, fancied happiness, extolled, because unexperienced, privileges and delights."

Feeling the subject well introduced, Paley continues:

"The wisest advice that can be given is, never to allow our attention to dwell upon comparisons between our own condition and that of others, but to keep it fixed upon the duties and concerns of the condition itself. But since every man has not this power; since the minds of some men will be busy in contemplating the advantages which they see others possess, and since persons in laborious stations of life are wont to view the higher ranks of society, with sentiments which not only tend to make themselves unhappy, but which are very different from the truth, it may be an useful office to point out to them some of these considerations, which, if they will turn their thoughts to the subject, they should endeavour to take fairly into the account." 4-5.

Accident, he says, casts men into classes:

"And first, we are most of us apt to murmur, when we see exorbitant fortunes placed in the hands of single persons; larger, we are sure, than they can want, or, as we think, they can use. This is so common a reflection that I will not say it is not natural. But whever the complaint comes into our minds, we ought to recollect, that the things happens in consequence of those very rules and laws which secure to ourselves our property, be it ever so small. The laws which accidentally cast enormous estates into one great man's possession, are, after all, the self-same laws which protect and guard the poor man. Fixed rules of property are established, for one as well as another, without knowing before-hand, whom they will affect. If these rules sometimes throw an excessive or disproportionate share to one man's lot, who can help it? It is much better that it should be so, than that the rules themselves should be broken up: and you can only have one side of the alternative or the other." 5-6.

From the nature of the thing, fortunes are for the few:

"Fortunes however of any kind, from the nature of the thing, can only fall to the lot of a few. I say, from the nature of the thing. The very utmost that can be done by laws and government, is to enable every man, who hath health, to procure a healthy subsistence for himself and a family. Where this is the case, things are at their perfection. They have reached their limit. Were the princes and nobility, the legislators and counsellors of the land, all of them the best and wisest men that ever lived, their united virtue and wisdom could do no more than this. They, if any such there be, who would teach you to expect more, give you not instance where more has ever been attained." 6-7

Bishop Butler's nature of things crops out here. Very soon quite an amazing paragraph runs from the archdeacon's pen.

"I do allow that there are many cases of sickness, affliction, and distress, which Christianity alone can comfort. But in estimating the mere diversities of station and civil condition, I have not thought it necessary to introduce religion into the enquiry at all, because I contend, that the man who murmurs and repines, when he has nothing to murmur and repine about, but the mere want of independent property, is not only irreligious, but unreasonable in his complaint; and that he would find, did he know the truth, that a life of labour, such I mean as is led by the labouring part of mankind in this country, has advantages in it, which compensates all its inconveniences.

When compared with the life of the rich, it is better in these important respects. It supplies employment, it promotes activity. It keeps the body in better health, the mind more engaged, and, of course, more quiet. It is more sensible, of ease, more susceptible of pleasure. It it attended with greater alacrity of spirits, a more constant cheerfulness and serenity of temper. It affords easier and more certain methods of sending children into the world in situations suited to their habits and expectations. It is free from many heavy anxieties which rich men feel; it is fraught with many sources of delight which they want." 21.-22.

All this is delightfully false in Paley. Sound the heart of David Davies, the rector, in the eleventh chapter, to see. But Adam Smith is partly responsible for Paley, as we turn to witness. It is just the optimism of the laissez faire philosophy, but we shall see to what it will bring us.

IN

CHAPTER X

Expediency the Enemy of Democracy

N the chapter just closed we were watching Adam Smith work an impossible wonder. For seventeen years he had been preparing to launch an economic work, of which the greatest things were prophesied even before its publication. For this work he had enjoyed the assistance of the best brains of Europe and our young America. His task was to make avarice and misery legitimate, and even consoling, in the light of the existence of the Almighty. He accepted the task, performed his work, received his praise, and passed to meet the Almighty. We are now progressed to the chapter in which we may view, as in a panorama, the effects of his teachings. First, the very able sketch of that most just and most dispassionate of critics, John Kells Ingram.