try. Department of Glass and Pottery Industry. Department of Brewery, Wine, and Distillers' Indus Department of Floricultural, Farming Industries. Stock and General Department of the Building Industry. Department of the Wood Service Industries. Thus we get an organization which differs in all essentials from the trade union as heretofore known. The craft element serves not as the essential unit but as subsidiary to the industrial essential unit. Not that the craft is refused recognition. On the contrary it is distinctly provided that the local industrial unions are to consist of workers organized either according to the trade or according to the shop as may be most suitable under the circumstances of the particular case. It is exceedingly improbable that the exact lines of organization as here laid down will be followed without deviation. In fact, many important structural changes will unquestionably be made. But in its general scope, and as regards elasticity, subordination, discipline, and all the elements of successful proletarian organization it is indubitably much superior to any of its predecessors. The Industrial Union, at least for the present, and as far into the future as we are now able to see must stand out as the essentially, proletarian organization; upon which in some form or another the working class will have to rely more and more in its conflict with the industrial overlords. IV POLITICS Politics is generally defined as the science of government. This smacks somewhat of the Rennaissance when princes amused themselves with what they called politics, and practiced a devious and complicated art which bore some relation to the obscure and generally disreputable trade of diplomacy. Where a privileged class is entrenched in power, or the members of a privileged class are so organized that they control the government, politics is an art or game allowing of the playing for stakes, in the shape of office, and making a pleasurable and exciting pastime for those whose leisure is assured by virtue of their economic security. The existence of a limited class enjoying the suffrage and the consequent accentuation of family importance contribute to make the holding of office more secure and politics a dignified pursuit. Under such circumstances we find that certain very able individuals are produced; that the arts of political controversy and oratory are cultivated and that the game proceeds according to certain. well observed regulations. That, in short, politics has its etiquette as, indeed, even military art has under such circumstances. Such an attitude was naturally rendered so much the easier by the interesting fact that gentlemen in question seldom hurt one another but the in feriors paid in their persons and in their property for the game played by their superiors. England and the United States, particularly, the Southern States, in the earlier stages of national development, furnish abundant examples of this attitude in political affairs. The great figures of the dominant political parties strut across the stage of history; their very manner is the same; the style of speech is moreover almost identical and both English and American political leaders sought their models in the classical statesmen and orators who were produced under conditions economically very similar to those which made the landholding class in England and the Southern aristocracy in this Country for a time the governing power. Numerous instances to the same effect may be found in European history. It may be safely stated that where a class is supreme and has no immediate fear for its future eminence, and where that class practically controls the avenues of public distinction, politics is an art or game manipulated for the pleasure and exhilaration of members of the dominant class. It is a game played, however, within certain limits, for the dominant class takes good care never to imperil its own interests. The joustings of the rivals are confined within narrow lists and none but gentlemen can wear armor and ride curvetting horses in face of the vulgar. It is the art of manipulating governmental power. It frequently under the circumstances above described, is no more than the struggle of rival individualism for position and is practically always so where the contest for political supremacy of rival economic classes has not become sufficiently obvious to cause the elimination of the personal question in a fight for actual existence. Such a condition of society as we have been considering implies that the democratic point in development has not been reached. It necessitates a limited superior class. But when in the course of economic and consequently of governmental development we arrive at the stage of democracy, the term politics begins to take on another and more sinister meaning than heretofore. This secondary meaning is given in the dictionaries as "The management of a political party." This, however, implies something more intellectual and subtle than what we term politics at the present day and is in reality a sort of statesmanship which consists in the shaping of material to conscious political ends, an art which has become almost lost owing largely to the rapidity with which modern conditions change their mutual relations by reason of the revolutionary character of the economic substructurescientific processes, technic, mechanical development, and the like. This secondary meaning of politics is therefore nothing more than the art of marshalling votes. Government in a democracy, no matter what its real basis, must rest ostensibly at least on a popular basis, that is, on a voting majority, and as there is a demand for those who are able to so manipulate public opinion or lack of opinion, or whatever else tends to set a majority of people voting in a given direction at a given time, the supply is provided to meet the demand and the politician as we know him in this most modern of democracies steps upon the scene. The object of modern politics is the marshalling of votes. But as we have seen, there are conflicting economic classes and therefore conflicting economic ends to be secured which of necessity imply conflicting governmental concepts. So the votes are marshalled in the interest of the governmental needs of the dominant economic class. The interests of the various sections of the dominant class may not be identical, in fact they seldom are, but give rise to the play of politics in a modern democracy somewhat analogous to the play of politics heretofore described under conditions prior to the advent of a democracy. The whole of the capitalistic era has been filled with just such conflicts. Conservative and Liberal, Republican and Democrat, what are they but representatives of the diverse interests of the various sections of the capitalist overlords, playing, however, within a limited sphere, so that the political manoeuverings do not threaten the actual persistence of the overlordship? The essential, therefore, of political action is an economic basis; one must discover an economic foundation for a political party, and no other foundation will do. But when once that economic basis is found or declares itself, forthwith and automatically a political party forms itself upon that economic basis. It may not always be a political party as we generally use the expression, that is, an organized voting body, whose avowed purpose is the employment of recognized constitutional methods for the pur |