rounded by many of the natives, who gazed in silent knowledge of which required a regular course of study, admiration upon actions which they could not com- together with long attention to the practice of courts. prehend, and of which they did not foresee the conse- Martial and illiterate nobles had neither leisure nor quences. The dress of the Spaniards, the whiteness of inclination to undertake a task so laborious, as well their skins, their beards, their arms, appeared strange as so foreign from all the occupations which they and surprising. The vast machines in which they had deemed entertaining or suitable to their rank. They traversed the ocean, that seemed to move upon the gradually relinquished their places in courts of justhe waters with wings, and uttered a dreadful sound tice, where their ignorance exposed them to contempt. resembling thunder, accompanied with lightning and They became weary of attending to the discussion of smoke, struck them with such terror that they began cases which grew too intricate for them to compreto respect their new guests as a superior order of hend. Not only the judicial determination of points, beings, and concluded that they were children of the which were the subject of controversy, but the conduct sun, who had descended to visit the earth. of all legal business and transactions, was committed The Europeans were hardly less amazed at the to persons trained by previous study and application scene now before them. Every herb and shrub and to the knowledge of law. An order of men, to whom tree was different from those which flourished in their fellow-citizens had daily recourse for advice, Europe. The soil seemed to be rich, but bore few and to whom they looked up for decision in their marks of cultivation. The climate, even to the most important concerns, naturally acquired consi Spaniards, felt warm, though extremely delightful. deration and influence in society. They were advanced The inhabitants appeared in the simple innocence of to honours which had been considered hitherto as the nature, entirely naked. Their black hair, long and peculiar rewards of military virtue. They were inuncurled, floated upon their shoulders, or was bound trusted with offices of the highest dignity and most in tresses on their heads. They had no beards, and extensive power. Thus, another profession than that every part of their bodies was perfectly smooth. of arms came to be introduced among the laity, and Their complexion was of a dusty copper colour, their was reputed honourable. The functions of civil life features singular rather than disagreeable, their aspect were attended to. The talents requisite for discharg gentle and timid. Though not tall, they were well-ing them were cultivated. A new road was opened shaped and active. Their faces, and several parts of their bodies, were fantastically painted with glaring colours. They were shy at first through fear, but soon became familiar with the Spaniards, and with transports of joy received from them hawk-bells, glass beads, or other baubles; in return for which they gave such provisions as they had, and some cotton yarn, the only commodity of value which they could produce. Towards evening, Columbus returned to his ship, accompanied by many of the islanders in their boats, which they called canoes, and though rudely formed out of the trunk of a single tree, they rowed them with surprising dexterity. Thus, in the first interview between the inhabitants of the old and new worlds, everything was conducted amicably and to their mutual satisfaction. The former, enlightened and ambitious, formed already vast ideas with respect to the advantages which they might derive from the regions that began to open to their view. The latter, simple and undiscerning, had no foresight of the calamities and desolation which were approaching their country!

[Chivalry.]

to wealth and eminence. The arts and virtues of peace were placed in their proper rank, and received their due recompense.

While improvements, so important with respect to the state of society and the adininistration of justice, gradually made progress in Europe, sentiments more liberal and generous had begun to animate the nobles. These were inspired by the spirit of chivalry, which, though considered commonly as a wild institution, the effect of caprice, and the source of extravagance, arose naturally from the state of society at that period, and had a very serious influence in refining the manners of the European nations. The feudal state was a state of almost perpetual war, rapine, and anarchy; during which the weak and unarmed were exposed to insults or injuries. The power of the sovereign was too limited to prevent these wrongs, and the administration of justice too feeble to redress them. The most effectual protection against violence and oppres sion was often found to be that which the valour and generosity of private persons afforded. The same spirit of enterprise which had prompted so many gentlemen to take arms in defence of the oppressed pilgrims in Palestine, incited others to declare themselves the patrons and avengers of injured innocence Among uncivilised nations, there is but one profes- at home. When the final reduction of the Holy Land, sion honourable that of arms. All the ingenuity and under the dominion of infidels, put an end to these vigour of the human mind are exerted in acquiring foreign expeditions, the latter was the only employmilitary skill or address. The functions of peace are ment left for the activity and courage of adventurers. few and simple, and require no particular course of To check the insolence of overgrown oppressors; to education or of study as a preparation for discharging rescue the helpless from captivity; to protect or to them. This was the state of Europe during several avenge women, orphans, and ecclesiastics, who could centuries. Every gentleman, born a soldier, scorned not bear arms in their own defence; to redress wrongs any other occupation. He was taught no science but and remove grievances; were deemed acts of the highthat of war; even his exercises and pastimes were est prowess and merit. Valour, humanity, courtesy, feats of martial prowess. Nor did the judicial cha- justice, honour, were the characteristic qualities of racter, which persons of noble birth were alone entitled chivalry. To these were added religion, which mingled to assume, demand any degree of knowledge beyond itself with every passion and institution during the that which such untutored soldiers possessed. To middle ages, and by infusing a large proportion of recollect a few traditionary customs which time had enthusiastic zeal, gave them such force as carried confirmed and rendered respectable, to mark out the them to romantic excess. Men were trained to knightlists of battle with due formality, to observe the issue hood by a long previous discipline; they were adof the combat, and to pronounce whether it had been mitted into the order by solemnities no less devout conducted according to the laws of arms, included than pompous; every person of noble birth courted every thing that a baron, who acted as a judge, found that honour; it was deemed a distinction superior to it necessary to understand. royalty; and monarchs were proud to receive it from the hands of private gentlemen.

But when the forms of legal proceedings were fixed, when the rules of decision were committed to writing and collected into a body, law became a science, the

This singular institution, in which valour, gallantry, and religion, were so strangely blended, was wonder

by his impetuous activity, often disconcerted the emperor's best laid schemes; Charles, by a more calm but steady prosecution of his designs, checked the rapidity of his rival's career, and baffled or repulsed his most vigorous efforts. The former, at the opening of a war or of a campaign, broke in upon the enemy with the violence of a torrent, and carried all before him; the latter, waiting until he saw the force of his rival beginning to abate, recovered in the end not only all that he had lost, but made new acquisitions. Few of the French monarch's attempts towards conquest, whatever promising aspect they might wear at first, were conducted to a happy issue; many of the emperor's enterprises, even after they appeared desperate and impracticable, terminated in the most prosperous manner.

fully adapted to the taste and genius of martial neither danger nor discouragement could turn him nobles; and its effects were soon visible in their man- aside from the execution of it. The success of their ners. War was carried on with less ferocity when enterprises was suitable to the diversity of their chahumanity came to be deemed the ornament of knight-racters, and was uniformly influenced by it. Francis, hood no less than courage. More gentle and polished manners were introduced when courtesy was recommended as the most amiable of knightly virtues. Violence and oppression decreased when it was reckoned meritorious to check and to punish them. A scrupulous adherence to truth, with the most religious attention to fulfil every engagement, became the distinguishing characteristic of a gentleman, because chivalry was regarded as the school of honour, and inculcated the most delicate sensibility with respect to those points. The admiration of these qualities, together with the high distinctions and prerogatives conferred on knighthood in every part of Europe, inspired persons of noble birth on some occasions with a species of military fanaticism, and led them to extravagant enterprises. But they deeply imprinted on their minds the principles of generosity and honour. These were strengthened by everything that can affect the senses or touch the heart. The wild exploits of those romantic knights who sallied forth in quest of adventures are well known, and have been treated with proper ridicule. The political and permanent effects of the spirit of chivalry have been less observed. Perhaps the humanity which accompanies all the operations of war, the refinements of gallantry, and the point of honour-the three chief circumstances which distinguish modern from ancient manners-may be ascribed in a great measure to this institution, which has appeared whimsical to superficial observers, but by its effects has proved of great benefit to mankind. The sentiments which chivalry inspired had a wonderful influence on manners and conduct during the twelfth, thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries. They were so deeply rooted, that they continued to operate after the vigour and reputation of the institution itself began to decline.

[Characters of Francis I. and the Emperor Charles V.] During twenty-eight years an avowed rivalship subsisted between Francis I. and the Emperor Charles V., which involved not only their own dominions, but the greatest part of Europe, in wars which were prosecuted with more violent animosity, and drawn out to a greater length, than had been known in any former period. Many circumstances contributed to this. Their animosity was founded in opposition of interest, heightened by personal emulation, and exasperated, not only by mutual injuries, but by reciprocal insults. At the same time, whatever advantage one seemed to possess towards gaining the ascendant, was wonderfully balanced by some favourable circumstance peculiar to the other.

The emperor's dominions were of greater extent; the French king's lay more compact. Francis go verned his kingdom with absolute power; that of Charles was limited, but he supplied the want of authority by address. The troops of the former were more impetuous and enterprising; those of the latter better disciplined, and more patient of fatigue. The talents and abilities of the two monarchs were as different as the advantages which they possessed, and contributed no less to prolong the contest between them. Francis took his resolutions suddenly, prosecuted them at first with warmth, and pushed them into execution with a most adventurous courage; but being destitute of the perseverance necessary to surmount difficulties, he often abandoned his designs, or relaxed the vigour of pursuit from impatience, and sometimes from levity. Charles deliberated long, and determined with coolness; but having once fixed his plan, he adhered to it with inflexible obstinacy, and

The success of Hume and Robertson extended the demand for historical composition; and before ad. verting to their great rival Gibbon, we may glance field. In the year 1758, Dr SMOLLETT published, in four volumes quarto, his Complete History of England, deduced from the Descent of Julius Caesar to the Treaty of Aix la Chapelle, 1748. In extent and completethe works of the historical masters; but its execuness of design, this history approaches nearest to tion is unequal, and it abounds in errors and inconSmollett was too fluent and practised a writer to sistences. It was rapidly composed; and though fail in narrative (his account of the rebellion in 1745-6, and his observations on the act for the relief of debtors in 1759, are excellent specimens of his best style and his benevolence of character), he could not, without adequate study and preparation, succeed in so important an undertaking. Smollett afterwards continued his work to the year 1765. The portion from the Revolution of 1688 to the death of George II. is usually printed as a continuation to Hume.

at some of the subordinate labourers in the same

The views which Dr Robertson had taken of the reign and character of Mary Queen of Scots, were combated by WILLIAM TYTLER of Woodhouselee (1711-1792), who, in 1759, published an Inquiry, Historical and Critical, into the Evidence against Mary Queen of Scots, and an Examination of the Histories of Dr Robertson and Mr Hume with respect to that Evidence. The work of Mr Tytler is acute and learned; it procured for the author the approbation and esteem of the most eminent men of his times; but, judged by the higher standards which now exist, it must be pronounced to be partial and inconclusive. Mr Tytler published the Poetical Remains of James I., King of Scotland,' with a dissertation on the life and writings of the royal poet, honourable to his literary taste and research.

About the year 1760, the London booksellers completed a compilation which had, for a long period, employed several professional authors-a Universal History,' a large and valuable work, seven volumes being devoted to ancient and sixteen to modern history. The writers were ARCHIBALD BOWER (1686-1766), a native of Dundee, who was educated at the Jesuit's College of St Omer, but afterwards fled to England and embraced the Protestant faith: he was author of a History of the Popes. Dr JOHN CAMPBELL (1709-1775), a son of Campbell of Glenlyon in Perthshire, wrote the Military History of the Duke of Marlborough and Prince Eugene, Lives of the Admirals, a considerable portion of the Biographia Britannica, a History of Europe, a Political Survey of Britain, &c. Campbell was a candid and intelligent

man, acquainted with Dr Johnson and most of the eminent men of his day. WILLIAM GUTHRIE (17081770), a native of Brechin, was an indefatigable writer, author of a History of England, a History of Scotland, a Geographical Grammar, &c. GEORGE SALE (1680-1736) translated the Koran, and was one of the founders of a society for the encouragement of learning. GEORGE PSALMANAZAR (1679-1763), a native of France, deceived the world for some time by pretending to be a native of the island of Formosa, to support which he invented an alphabet and grammar. He afterwards became a hack author, was sincerely penitent, and was reverenced by Johnson for his piety. When the Universal History' was completed, Goldsmith wrote a preface to it, for which he received three guineas!

In 1763 Goldsmith published a History of England, in a Series of Letters from a Nobleman to his Son, in two small volumes. The deceptive title had the desired attraction; the letters were variously attributed to Lords Chesterfield, Orrery, and Lyttelton, and in purity and grace of style surpassed the writings of any of the reputed authors. The success of this compilation afterwards led Goldsmith to compile a more extended history of England, and abridgments of Grecian and Roman history. Even in this subordinate walk, to which nothing but necessity compelled him, Goldsmith was superior to all his contemporaries.

but disfigured by affectation, and still more by the violent prejudices of its vindictive and unprincipled author.

Histories of Ireland, evincing antiquarian research, were published, the first in 1763-7 by Dr WARNER, and another in 1773 by Dr LELAND, the translator of our best English version of Demosthenes. A review of Celtic and Roman antiquities was in 1771-5 presented by JOHN WHITTAKER, grafted upon his History of Manchester; and the same author afterwards wrote a violent and prejudiced Vindication of Mary Queen of Scots. The Biographical History of England by GRANGER, and ORME's History of the British Transactions in Hindostan, which appeared at this time, are also valuable works. In 1775, MACPHERSON, translator of Ossian, published a History of Great Britain, from the Restoration to the Accession of the House of Hanover, accompanied by original papers. The object of Macpherson was to support the Tory party, and to detract from the purity and patriotism of those who had planned and effected the Revolution of 1688. The secret history brought to light by his original papers (which were undoubtedly genuine) certainly disclosed a degree of selfishness and intrigue for which the public were not prepared. In this task, the historian (if Macpherson be entitled to the venerable name) had the use of Carte's collections, for which he paid £200, and he received no less than £3000 for the copyright Lord Lyttelton afterwards came forward himself of his work. The Annals of Scotland, from Malcolm as a historian, though of but a limited period. His III. to Robert I., were published in 1776 by Sir History of the Reign of Henry II., on which he had David Dalrymple, LORD HAILES. In 1779 the same bestowed years of study, is a valuable repertory of author produced a continuation to the accession of facts, but a dry and uninteresting composition. Of the house of Stuart. These works were invaluable a similar character are the Historical Memoirs and at the time, and have since formed an excellent Lives (Queen Elizabeth, Raleigh, Henry Prince of quarry for the historian. Lord Hailes was born in Wales, &c.), written by Dr THOMAS BIRCH, one of Edinburgh in 1726, the son of Sir James Dalrymple the secretaries of the Royal Society. Birch was a of Hailes, Bart. He distinguished himself at the diligent explorer of records and public papers: he Scottish bar, and was appointed one of the judges of threw light on history, but was devoid of taste and the Court of Session in 1766. He was the author arrangement. These works drew attention to the of various legal and antiquarian treatises; of the materials that existed for a history of domestic man- Remains of Christian Antiquity, containing translaners, always more interesting than state diplomacy tions from the fathers, &c.; and of an inquiry into or wars, and Dr ROBERT HENRY (1718-1790) entered the secondary causes assigned by Gibbon the histoupon a History of Great Britain, in which particular rian for the rapid growth of Christianity. Lord attention was to be given to this department. For Hailes was a man of great erudition, an able lawyer, nearly thirty years Henry laboured at his work: and upright judge. He died in 1792. In 1776 the first volume was published in 1771, and four ROBERT WATSON, professor of rhetoric and afterothers at intervals between that time and 1785. Awards principal of one of the colleges of St Andrews, contemporary, Dr Gilbert Stuart, a man not devoid wrote a History of Philip II. of Spain as a continua of talents, but rancorous and malignant in an emi- tion to Robertson, and left unfinished a History of nent degree, attempted, by a system of ceaseless | Philip III., which was completed by Dr William persecution, to destroy the character and reputation Thomson, and published in 1783. In 1779, the two of Henry, but his work realised to its author the first volumes of a History of Modern Europe, by Dr large sum of £3300, and was rewarded with a pen- WILLIAM RUSSELL (1741-1793), were published with sion from the crown of £100 per annum. Henry's distinguished success, and three others were added work does not come farther down than the reign in 1784, bringing down the history to the year 1763. of Henry VIII. In our own days, the plan of a Continuations to this valuable compendium have history with copious information as to manners, been made by Dr Coote and others, and it continues arts, and improvements-where full prominence is to be a standard work. Russell was a native of Selgiven to the progress of civilisation and the domestic kirkshire, and fought his way to learning and dislife of our ancestors-has been admirably realised in tinction in the midst of considerable difficulties. The the Pictorial History of England,' published by Mr vast number of historical works published about Charles Knight. Of Dr Henry, we may add that this time shows how eagerly this noble branch of he was a native of St Ninians, in Stirlingshire, was study was cultivated, both by authors and the pubbred to the church, and was latterly one of the lic. No department of literary labour seems then to ministers of Edinburgh, where he had the honour have been so lucrative, or so sure of leading to disof filling the chair as Moderator of the General tinction. But our greatest name yet remains behind. Assembly.

Dr GILBERT STUART (1742-1786), a native of Edinburgh (to whom we have alluded in connexion with Henry), wrote various historical works, a History of Scotland, a Dissertation on the British Constitution, a History of the Reformation, &c. His style is florid and high-sounding, not wanting in elegance,

EDWARD GIBBON.

The historian of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire was by birth, education, and manners, distinctively an English gentleman. He was born at Putney, in Surrey, April 27, 1737. His father was

55

He nowhere openly avows his disbelief. By tacitly sinking the early and astonishing spread of Christianity during the time of the Apostles, and dwelling with exaggerated colouring and minuteness on the errors and corruption by which it afterwards became debased, the historian in effect conveys an impression that its divine origin is but a poetical fable, like the golden age of the poets, or the mystic absurdities of Mohammedanism. The Christian faith was a bold and successful innovation, and Gibbon hated all innovations. In his after life, he was in favour of retaining even the Inquisition, with its tortures and its tyranny, because it was an ancient institution! Besides the 'solemn sneer' of Gibbon, there is another cardinal defect in his account of the progress of the Christian faith, which has been thus ably pointed out by the Rev. H. H. Milman:'Christianity alone receives no embellishment from the magic of Gibbon's language; his imagination is dead to its moral dignity; it is kept down by a general tone of jealous disparagement, or neutralised by a painfully elaborate exposition of its darker and degenerate periods. There are occasions, indeed, when its pure and exalted humanity, when its manifestly beneficial influence can compel even him, as it were, to fairness, and kindle his unguarded eloquence to its usual fervour; but in general he soon relapses into a frigid apathy; affects an ostentatiously severe impartiality; notes all the faults of Christians in every age with bitter and almost malignant sarcasm; reluctantly, and with exception and reservation, admits their claim to admiration. This inextricable bias appears even to influence his manner of composition. While all the other assailants of the Roman empire, whether warlike or religious, the Goth, the Hun, the Arab, the Tartar, Alaric and Attila, Mahomet, and Zingis, and Tamerlane, are each introduced upon the scene almost with dramatic animation-their progress related in a full, complete, and unbroken narrative-the triumph of Christianity alone takes the form of a cold and critical disquisition. The successes of barbarous energy and brute force call forth all the consummate skill of composition, while the moral triumphs of Christian benevolence, the tranquil heroism of endurance, the blameless purity, the contempt of guilty fame, and of honours destructive to the human race, which, had they assumed the proud name of philosophy, would have been blazoned in his brightest cation of his three last volumes, and afterwards Gibbon went to London to superintend the publiwords, because they own religion as their principle, returned to Lausanne, where he resided till 1793. sink into narrow asceticism. The glories of Chris- The French Revolution had imbittered and divided tianity, in short, touch on no chord in the heart of the society of Lausanne; some of his friends were the writer; his imagination remains unkindled; his dead, and he anxiously wished himself again in words, though they maintain their stately and mea- England. At this time the lady of his most intimate sured march, have become cool, argumentative, and friend, Lord Sheffield, died, and he hastened to adinanimate.' The second and third volumes of the minister consolation: he arrived at Lord Sheffield's history did not appear till 1781. After their publi- house in London in June 1793. The health of the cation, finding it necessary to retrench his expen-historian had, however, been indifferent for some diture, and being disappointed of a lucrative place time, owing to a long-settled complaint; and, exwhich he had hoped for from ministerial patron-hausted by surgical operations, he died without age, he resolved to retire to Lausanne, where he

walk of acacias, which commands a prospect of the country, the lake, and the mountains. The air was temperate, the sky was serene, the silver orb of the moon was reflected from the waters, and all nature was silent. I will not dissemble the first emotions of joy on the recovery of my freedom, and perhaps the establishment of my fame. But my pride was soon humbled, and a sober melancholy was spread over my mind by the idea that I had taken an everand that whatsoever might be the future date of lasting leave of an old and agreeable companion, my history, the life of the historian must be short which have seldom occurred in the composition of and precarious." The historian adds two facts six or even five quartos; his first rough manuscript, without an intermediate copy, was sent to the press, and not a sheet was seen by any person but the author and the printer. His lofty style, like that of Johnson, was, in fact, the image of his mind.'

was offered a residence by a friend of his youth, pain, and apparently without any sense of his danM. Deyverdun. Here he lived very happily for ger, on the 16th of January 1794. In most of the essential qualifications of a hisabout four years, devoting his mornings to com- torian, Gibbon was equal to either Hume or Robertposition, and his evenings to the enlightened and polished society which had gathered in that situa-son. In some he was superior. He had greater tion. The history was completed at the time and in the circumstances which he has thus stated:It was on the day or rather night of the 27th of June 1787, between the hours of eleven and twelve,

The garden and summer-house where he composed are neglected, and the last utterly decayed, but they still show it as his "cabinet," and seem perfectly aware of his memory.'Byron's Letters.