the strong, the poor to the rich, the ignorant multitude to an eclectic few, knowledge demands their suppression; and the more it increases, the farther advances are made in the ways whose final term is the equality of rights.

Still would it be with difficulty that it caused the triumph of the maxims revealed by an innate sentiment of justice, if the powers interested in maintaining inequality preserved their primitive ascendancy. But, by an admirable effect of civilization, the same causes that change and rectify the views of the people, insensibly deprive the privileged orders of the means of resistance.

See what are the real foundations of aristocratical power the imperfection of the social organization on the one hand; on the other, the want of a sufficient authority for the protection of the weak. To establish the domination of the great, the husbandman must find it necessary to obey a master in order to the protection of his harvest; the other, exposed to the spoliatory aggressions of his neighbours, must owe his security to the affection and devotedness of his vassels. But civilization, by strengthening public order, changes by little and little these circumstances, the real sources of seignoral power. In proportion as society becomes tranquil, the great proprietors, having no longer occasion to fight for the rights guaranteed by the state, think of drawing the greatest possible advantage from their estates; greedy of wealth, it is to the best modes of culture and farming that they give the preference; and as one of the conditions essential to production is the independence of the producer, to the obligations of vassalage succeed stipulations, which, in giving liberty

to the inferior classes, separate their interests from those of their ancient masters.

Thus, in a state of civilization brought to perfection, there glides betwixt the interests of domination and the interests of wealth, an opposition destructive of that class of affections and duties, which had for a long time attached to the lot of the great the mass of the population. It is only a century ago that, at the first signal of the chief of the clan, thousands of Scotsmen flocked to his banner, proud to fight or die in his cause. But let a descendant of Argyle or Montrose, raising the standard of revolt, call at the present day his tenants to arms-such is the change that has taken place in the interests and manners, that he would be justly deemed mad it is because, in striving to increase the revenue of their vast domains, the nobility have broken with their own hands the chains of ancient vassalage. Taking from ignorant and submissive vassals the lands which they cultivated badly, they let them to farmers more industrious and wealthy; and this last class, only owing to their proprietors the fulfilment of the obligations in their voluntary contracts, had no longer any motive to expose life and property at the capricious call of an aristocracy, which, on its part, would not make the slightest sacrifice on their account.

Such is the real cause which has disarmed the feudal aristocracy, and raised up insurmountable barriers to the establishment of its ancient patronage. Thus, counting from the thirteenth century, a continued movement has caused to bend before the active principles of civilization, the compressive institutions which had disgraced the infancy of European society; at every step they struck off a part of the fetters which bound

them in their origin; and by little and little the serfs of the Middle Ages obtained the rank of citizens. No doubt there remains much to do before the equality of rights shall triumph completely over the passions and prejudices that yet oppose it; but if we are to judge by the past, there is no doubt that the people will finally reach that state, where, no unjust obstacle arresting their efforts, they will fully enjoy their means of distinction, and will raise themselves as high as their own faculties and the vicissitudes of fortune make it possible to do.

Let us not, however, confound this anticipated state of society with the extravagant and chimerical equality preached by the Mezdecks, Muncers, the Levellers of England, and some other sects that sprung out of the storms of the French Revolution.-If an equality of rights exact that the field of wealth and distinction should be left open to all, it is without asking the equalization of rights purely political; and provided the conditions attached to the enjoyment of the last leave them accessible to the efforts of individuals, it admits all the precautions of an equitable prudence. Inasmuch as it is important to the well-being and the dignity of the people that no privilege of rank or birth be devolved on a special class, and that all the blessings and advantages of social order be made the attendants of labour and prudence, in so much would it be unreasonable not to keep in view the capacities of the people, in the distribution of political rights. Before mixing in public affairs, it is necessary to understand them, and that men be in a situation that implies an independent exercise of the franchise. To call the ignorant and unfortunate classes to the exercise of sovereign power, s to place the state in danger of anarchy-and, what

would seem more extraordinary if numerous examples did not prove it, of the perils of an oligarchic domination. Thus, in ancient Rome, where the populace sold its suffrages for bread, it was by means of the arms, and under the forms of the mob, that a small number of illustrious personages disputed honours and commands. So also, in several burghs in England, and in the counties of Ireland, the very lowness of the franchise brings to the poll bands of freemen and tenants, who give over the government to the great proprietors. Without doubt, it is better to enlarge the circle of political capacities than to confine it too much. But if it be to be feared that exclusion may introduce into the laws a fatal partiality, there are other evils, which can only be obviated by annexing to political rights conditions necessary for ensuring an independent and enlightened use of them.

This point being discussed, it will be seen, that what is understood by the term, an equality of rights, is a complete absence of privilege in the matter of property, a free access to all distinctions, civil and political. This is what is signified; and surely there is nothing but what is just in such an order of things.

I shall not enumerate all the advantages inherent in an equality of rights: we may describe at length the evils and inconveniences of a sickly state of the human body-we do not make an eulogy of health except by counting the sufferings which it spares us. I shall therefore confine myself to a refutation of the doctrines and objections raised against the equality of rights; then, after having pointed out some of their beneficial effects, I shall indicate the forms and modes of government which it prescribes.

CHAPTER XI.

ON CERTAIN DOCTRINES OPPOSED TO THE EQUALITY OF RIGHTS.

"HERE are either madmen or impostors," said a king of Siam, of the Dutch, who tried to make him understand that they were the subjects of no master. Such are men who make their own knowledge the standard of what is possible; taking, as Mirabeau says, the walls of their shops for the horizon of the world, it is only by a great effort of the imagination that they succeed in conceiving an order of things different from what surrounds them. Nor is it the vulgar only that we must reproach with this species of blindness, for the greatest geniuses have not been free of it. Look at the most celebrated social theories, and you will see them repose on a mere fiction; on the assumption that, weary of isolation and independence, scattered savages, assembling some fine morning for the purpose of abdicating their rights in favour of a supreme power, founded at a single stroke, and as it were by inspiration, both society and government. Assuredly it is difficult to conceive any thing more devoid of probability; but, struck from their infancy with the imposing spectacle of royalty, accustomed to consider it as the first condition of the social state, these great writers concocted an hypothesis which, as it was not physically impossible, explained their simultaneous origin.

After such an example, let us not be astonished at the influence exercised over political opinions by the