men, the only ones whom we would entrust with legislative functions, will always recognise the monarchical authority as an invincible necessity of the social state. Far from looking upon it with dread, they will only see in it what it truly offers,-the limit of private ambition, and the bond and safeguard of the numerous and various interests of the community-in a word, the only institution which, in the extensive, populous, and rich states of old Europe, can rally and direct to a common object the scattered forces of society. Without doubt, they will take care to confine it within proper bounds; but there is no reason to fear that they will rebel against prerogatives, which are as essential for the preservation of individual liberties as for the maintenance of union and public tranquillity.

With regard to the forces of which the Aristocracy disposes in favour of the throne, if an esprit de corps assures the harmony of them, let us consult history, and we shall see how very feeble and insufficient these forces have been. During the last two or three centuries, have not kings, in place of receiving from them a tutelary protection, been obliged to defend privileged bodies against the attacks of a democracy, thirsting for independence and equality? To the aggressive propensities of the suffering classes were united the wishes of the classes on whom industry had conferred wealth; and states, constantly menaced, have marched with difficulty in the midst of innumerable dangers. Under our new regime, with privilege would disappear the popular irritation which it keeps alive; inconsiderable in numbers, and less indigent, the operative class would cease to present any subject of uneasiness; and at the same time, for the protection of the govern

ment against hostile attacks, there would be united together all that is strongest and most distinguished in society. Here would be realised the finest results of a political system; and if we set ourselves to consider what obstacles hinder governments, subject to the influence of interests, founded on justice and reason, from deviating from the courses which these same interests prescribe, how can we fail to admire a social form which, without destroying any of the advantages ascribed to privileged hierarchies, would leave to nations all the elasticity and vitality which impart prosperity to democracies?

CHAPTER XV.

ON THE EFFECTS RESULTING FROM THE PREDOMINANCE OF THE ARISTOCRACY IN ENGLAND.

ENGLAND, at the present day, holds the place in political controversies which the Greeks and Romans formerly occupied. The splendour of her arts and of her industry, the extent of her colonial possessions and of her commerce, the opulence which she has attained to, still more the imposing structure of her government— all point her out to the attention of publicists; the more so that the monarchical, popular, and aristocratical elements blended in her system, present facts on which the most opposite theories may be reared.

The examination of this subject, which to some writers might be a purely optional matter, becomes in the present work one of absolute necessity. England is

obviously at the highest point of European civilization, and she has reached it under the sway of a territorial aristocracy. Such a phenomenon, which seems so formal a refutation of the doctrines evolved in the preceding chapters of this work, requires to be elucidated; and I shall therefore proceed to lay bare its causes, trace its progress, and, above all, carefully weigh the consequences of the influence which the domination of the aristocracy exercises over the destinies of so prosperous a country.

And here I beg to be permitted to make a few preliminary remarks. The fact of a nation outstripping its rivals in the career of civilization, although it proves the superiority of its organization, is far from attesting the excellence of it. What is prosperity? A condition of which we can only judge by comparison; and who can say what a height the most flourishing nation might not have reached, if its institutions had been free of the defects which, without putting a stop to its progress, imparted to it a tortuous and vicious direction? Rome had conquered the ancient world; and the vanquished nations no more doubted of the superiority of her laws and manners, than of the ascendancy of her arms. Yet, how many imperfections disfigured her social condition! The consequences of these ripened with time,-which had its course,—and Rome, torn by civil wars, beheld her glory expire under the withering despotism of her Tiberiuses and Neros.

I will further remark, that the present time is ill chosen for speaking of England. Seven or eight years ago, when the misery of the lower orders was at its height, when riotous meetings seemed the preludes

of a revolutionary crisis,-when on all sides arose against the injustice of her institutions an outcry justified by public suffering-how easy would it have been to establish the defects in her social condition! But now, when order is restored, and a skilful minister, turning to account the narrow policy which false and restrictive maxims have imposed on the other cabinets of Europe, has thrown open to the trade of Britain the treasures of the American continent, and has supplied its industry with immense means of activity, how shall we dare to draw aside the gorgeous veil that covers her rankling sores? I shall nevertheless do so. The life of nations embraces a long space of time; and, however prosperous they may be at present, it is only in the whole assemblage of facts, and studying their development, that we are able to make a just appreciation of the futurity that awaits them. In the brilliant years of Louis XIV., who did not believe in the eternal duration of the French Monarchy ? yet even then did the germs which precipitated its downfal begin to appear. Venice closed her golden book amidst the applause of the statesmen of Italy: she was extolled for having eschewed with so much address the dissensions kindled in all the neighbouring republics by the struggle between the patricians and the people. But what was the final issue of a policy so wise in appearance? The corruption of the ruling caste, the oppression of the subject classes, the progressive ruin of the national strength, and a downfal, tardy indeed, but not less humiliating because its progress was silent and unnoticed.

There is yet another point to which I have to solicit the attention of my readers. It is usual to praise the

English aristocracy for having taken under their protection the rights and liberties of the people; but although such be the fact, it has neither the continuity nor the extensiveness which have been attributed to it. The result of social circumstances, it followed their course, and changed with them. Thus, under the successors of William the Conqueror, if the great vassals united themselves to the people, it was because, ill confirmed in their recently conceded domains, they could neither defend themselves against the encroachments of the Crown in their own names, nor prescribe to the latter the limits of its authority. Constrained to interest the inferior orders in their cause, they could only do so by communicating to them a share of the rights demanded; and it was accordingly seen that the greater number of the charters extorted from the monarchs extended their benefits to necessary allies. This proceeding was so entirely the result of position, that at a later period we behold the aristocracy adopt the haughty usages of the same class on the continent. Thus, respectable writers, such as Paley, have regarded the hatred inspired by the galling yoke of the nobility as the principal cause of the enslavement of the Parliaments under the Tudors. And nothing is more probable than that-but for the violence of the religious factions which sprung out of the Reformation, the arrogant pretensions of the weak and capricious successor of Elizabeth, the diversified errors of Charles the First and his sons-the English aristocracy, like that of the rest of Europe, would have bartered the national liberties for the advantages attached to the exclusive possession of office, and the favour of a despot.

However all this may be, the point is of small