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AME- General Oglethorpe, who was also forced to retire, so ICA. that the Floridas continued in the possession of Spain until the year 1763, at which period, in consequence of tical, the reduction of the Havannah by Lord Albemarle, Spain ceded the provinces of East and West Florida to Great Britain, in exchange for that settlement. Spain, sh however, forcibly repossessed herself of these countries, 7LS. during the struggle of Great Britain with her American colonies; and, by the treaty of 1783, they were finally assigned to her. The United States have been lately said to have purchased them, and an American general, in the year 1818, seized upon Pensacola; but whether with the sanction of his government, is not at present ascertained.

With regard to the political history of Mexico, or New Spain, it will be sufficient to present the reader with a few general facts, in the way of outline; minuter details belong to another place. Hernando Cortez, a native of Spain, was the first adventurer who explored this portion of the North American continent, in the course of the year 1519. Montezuma, at that time emperor of Mexico, hearing of the arrival of the Spaniards, immediately dispatched ambassadors with magnificent presents, with the view of inducing Cortez to quit the coast, instead of pursuing the resolution he had adopted of marching into the interior. The Spanish commander, however, refused compliance with this request, and having first laid the foundation of Vera Cruz, on the 16th of August, 1519, set out from Zunpoalla, an Indian town, by whose cacique he had been joined, with about 500 Spanish soldiers, and 600 troops furnished by the cacique. Having advanced to the province of Tlascola, he subdued it after an obstinate contest of fourteen days, and not long after came in sight of the capital from the Chalco mountain. When Cortez entered Mexico, he was received in the most courteous manner by Montezuma, notwithstanding which he forcibly seized upon the emperor's person, conveyed him to the Spanish quarters within the city, and put him into confinement for six months. Every effort was made, both by his subjects and Montezuma, to accomplish his release, but in vain. Cortez having occasion to leave Mexico, stationed a garrison there, consisting of 150 men, to guard Montezuma; but no sooner was he fairly departed than this garrison was attacked, the news of which hastened back the Spanish chief, when, assisted by 2,000 Tlascolan warriors, he entered the city without opposition, but was subsequently as saulted with so much vigour, that he had recourse to the stratagem of presenting the emperor to his people, for the purpose of conciliating them. But this measure totally failed; and the attack being renewed, the unfortunate monarch was mortally wounded by an arrow from the hand of one of his own subjects. After the death of Montezuma, the Spaniard found himself under the necessity of retreating, by a stolen march effected by night, into the territories of the Tlascolans. Six months after this evacuation of Mexico, he was enabled again to take the field with about 600 Spanish in. fantry, 40 cavalry, nine pieces of cannon, and with Indian allies amounting to 10,000, most of whom were Tlascolans. He put his army in motion on the 28th of December, 1520, and in a few days made his appearance before the capital, resolving to perish or conquer. He fixed his head-quarters at Tezcuco, on the banks of the lake, about 20 miles distant, where he

VOL. XVII.

Political

and Moral State

was joined by 200 infantry, eight horses, and supplies N. AME-
of ammunition from Hispaniola; he was assisted also by RICA.
thirteen small vessels on the lake of Mexico, as well as
by 150,000 Indian allies. By means of these forces he
was enabled to invest the city on every side. The new
emperor, Guatimozin, made a gallant, but ineffectual
resistance: in spite of all his exertions, the city was taken Spanish
on the 21st of August, 1521, after a siege of seventy- Possessions.
five days. The whole Mexican empire immediately
yielded to the victorious Spaniards, and Cortez was con-
stituted governor, with the title of Captain-general of
New Spain. This country has continued under the domi-
nion of European Spain from that period to the present,
and has been invariably ruled by a Spanish viceroy.
ATTEMPTED REVOLUTION IN THE SPANISH PRO- Attempted
revolution
VINCES.-Whether the existing struggle between the
in the Spa-
arbitrary power of Old Spain and the ill-defined objects nish pro-
of the patriotic cause in her American provinces, will ever vinces.
merit attention among the dignified pursuits of history,
is a question we cannot here presume to solve. In the
present equivocal state of the contest, and amidst
many contradictory accounts of its progress, it may be
satisfactory to our readers, however, to be put in pos-
session of the principal facts of its origin.

Of the population of the Spanish colonies, the Eu-
ropean Spaniards, and the Creoles, born of European
parents in America, principally claim our attention
in this sketch. The authority which the former had
maintained in these colonies for the space of 400 years,
together with the recollection of their original conquest,
had not ameliorated in the minds of any of their sub-
fects those prejudices which were transmitted from their
ancestors; and it is easy to guess how the colonists
would be governed, when the supreme power was vested
in nine European Spaniards and a viceroy, clothed by
law with the prerogatives of the king of Spain; only
accountable, when their commission expired, to the
council of the Indies at Madrid, a distance of 2,000.
leagues from the scene of action. Numberless were the
grievances arising from the union of oppression and
monopoly, which had become necessary to the support
of each other; and the detail Mr. Walton gives of this
system of exclusion on the part of Old Spain, would
alone satisfactorily account for the minds of the creoles
being gradually given up to a spirit of disaffection.

The Spaniards found no difficulty in keeping the Original Creoles in subjection, whilst the latter imagined that condition of their protection against the Indians, negro slaves, and the Creoles. the mixed casts, could only be secured by the union of all Europe. Humboldt attributes the passive state of the Spanish colonies, during the succession-war in Spain, to this principle. The creole population, however, had now much increased, and the Indians had been so decidedly subdued, that it was not to be expected that the same degree of apathy and supineness should continue, when the shock of the Spanish throne discovered to them its weakness, and opened to them a prospect of amending their situation.

Notwithstanding all the obstacles that can be opposed to it, human society will naturally approximate towards civilization: a remark which will illustrate the conduct both of the Creoles and the Indians in this contest. However degraded the mental state of the latter, their entire numbers have been estimated at 7,000,000, and having little to lose, the chances of advantage promised to make them a powerful instrument in the

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RICA.

and Moral State.

NAME hands of any faction who could furnish them with commanders to undertake a war against the mother-country, A desire of knowledge had been kindled by the esPolitical tablishment of universities at Mexico and Lima. The works of the French philosophers, on their arrival in the colonies, were eagerly sought for, and excited Spanish a literary interest unparalleled in their history. It is Possessions. easy to forsee the consequence in a country whose institutions tended to support every argument of those knowledge. bold assertors of anarchy and atheism; when even the free and majestic fabric of our invaluable constitution has been felt to tremble under their assault.

Thirst of

Effect of the

Spain by

"The words European and Spaniard have become synonymous," says Humboldt, "in Mexico and Peru. The inhabitants of the remote provinces have, therefore, a difficulty in conceiving that there can be Europeans who do not speak their language: and they consider this ignorance as a mark of low extraction, because, everywhere around them, all, except the very lowest class of the people, speak Spanish. Better acquainted with the sixteenth century, than with that of our own times, they imagine that Spain continues to possess a decided preponderance over the rest of Europe. To them, the Peninsula appears the very centre of European civilization:-it is otherwise with the Americans of the capital. Those of them who are acquainted with French or English literature, fall easily into a contrary extreme, and have a still more unfavourable opinion of the mother-country than the French had, at a time when communication was less frequent between Spain and the rest of Europe. They prefer strangers from other countries to the Spaniards; and they flatter themselves with the idea, that intellectual cultivation has made more rapid progress in the colonies than in the Peninsula."

The whole population of South America were stulinvasion of tified upon the first hearing of the invasion of Spain the French, by the French; of the captivity of their king, and the resignations of Bayonne; but this was succeeded by an universal burst of loyalty, a detestation of the French, and a desire to support the Peninsula against their manifest tyranny and usurpation. The confidence with which the Americans looked for a speedy and honourable issue to the Spanish cause, is a strong argument for the veracity of Humboldt's description. The bulk of the people flattered themselves with the expectation that the patriotic armies would soon reach Paris, take Buonaparte prisoner, and conduct him in triumph to Madrid; while the Spanish authorities and the higher classes alone entertained the shadow of a doubt of the event.

The French invasion, therefore, would have cemented the union between Spain and her colonies if she had acted wisely. By a reciprocity of benefits it might have been prolonged for ages. The discontented Creoles had been long contemplating a revolt; but the general feeling was so universal and decided for the support of Spain, that not a single voice was heard to the contrary.

Tidings of the general insurrection in Spain reached Mexico on the 29th July, 1808; and the enthusiastic sensation produced had not at all subsided when the arrival of two deputies from the junta of Seville was announced, who were come to claim the sovereign command of Spanish America for that corporation, which had assumed the title of Supreme Gubernative Junta

State

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mother

of Spain and the Indies. It appears probable, from N. AM existing documents, that Mexico would have acceded RICA to the demands of the junta, if dispatches had not arrived from London during the deliberation of the Politic constituted authorities, in which the deputies of the and Mo junta of Asturias announced their installation, and warned the Mexicans against the pretended claims of Spanis the Andalusian junta; a competition which had a powerful effect upon the mind of the Americans. Their enthusiasm for the mother-country was not at Enthusia all abated by the resignation of the royal family. The for the acclamations of " Ferdinand VII." were as unbounded Country as sincere; but the colonists hesitated to acknowledge the claim of Old Spain to chuse representatives for them in the Peninsula. In Mexico, the cabildo, or town corporation, had suggested the expediency of forming a junta, which should govern in the name of Ferdinand VII.; and the viceroy was inclined to it, but he was without a fixed plan. An old man, and past his vigour, he now fell a sacrifice to his want of promptness; for the Spaniards, who opposed the measure, resolved to depose him, and at the head of the conspiracy placed one of their wealthiest merchants. The soldiers who were to command the guard on the appointed day, were bribed to their purpose; and, followed by about 200 Spaniards taken from the shops of Mexico at mid- Vic night, they entered the palace of the viceroy without Mexico resistance, and seizing him and his lady, committed the posed. former to the prison of the inquisition, and the latter to a nunnery. The audencia, or supreme court of justice, privately approved the conspiracy, and the imprisonment of the viceroy was announced to the public, who, at the same time, were informed that they had elected a successor. Although the Creoles had no personal attachment to the late viceroy, yet the power which the Spaniards thus assumed in his deposition, was very displeasing to them, though, for the present, it was not manifest by any overt act.

The deposed viceroy was brought to Spain upon a charge of treason, accompanied with the detail of these transactions; and arrived in the Peninsula during the period when the central junta conceived themselves in such perfect security at Seville, that they gave the French, who had begun to look upon all as lost, an opportunity to recover their confidence, and to make large additions to their army. The junta congratulated themselves upon the captivity of the viceroy, without searching into the cause of that event. They did not consider how contemptible that government must be, where so few persons, without any legitimate authority, could remove the chief magistrate, and take upon themselves to substitute another. They felt their imbecility, and were glad of an opportunity of displaying their power.

Dispatches, however, began to arrive with every Disaf packet, with intelligence of the general disaffection of in At the Americans. Their love for the mother-country had begun to abate, when they found themselves constantly deluded with vain promises; and though the declaration of their original attachment was sincere, feeling themselves unkindly treated, it gradually died away. By way of palliative, the central junta issued a proclamation, in which the colonies were declared equal to the mother-country, and the Spanish Americans told expressly, that "they belonged to nobody; and were masters of their own fate."

AME

State.

During the early fluctuations of the Peninsular war, ICA. the Spanish Americans, prevented by the remoteness of the situation from viewing the varied scene, fully Mitical anticipated the restoration of Ferdinand VII. Even Moral when they received intelligence that the French had entered Madrid; that the central junta had fled to panish Andalusia; that the troops had turned upon their Sessions, generals, and massacred several of them; that Morla and others had become traitors; and that confidence had ceased, having no one to depend upon-all this could not shake the idea of Spanish superiority in the minds of the colonies: these reverses were attributed to treachery; and, notwithstanding the great transition from hope to disappointment, not the least complaint was uttered: subscriptions were universally raised among the principal inhabitants, whose endeavours to support the mother-country increased in proportion as her need of them increased.

act of

The Austrian war again assured them that Spain would be triumphant, and the victory of Talavera appeared to demonstrate it; but it was only as a flash of lightning, which for a moment illuminates the horizon, and leaves the spectator in tenfold darkness. The next arrivals brought the information of the total defeat of the Spanish armies; of the power of the central government being protested against by the juntas of Seville and Valencia, and declared illegal by a manifesto of the patriotic Romana. The discontented parties in the Peninsula sedulously forwarded and diligently dispersed in the colonies every circumstance that they conceived likely to diminish their zeal and prejudice their minds.

The new regency appointed upon the dispersion of gency the junta of Seville, drew upon themselves the hatred and scorn of the colonists by their first act with regard to them; for they prevailed upon the merchants of Cadiz to sanction them by a manifesto before they thought it safe to announce their installation; which act, though it gave satisfaction to the Spanish factors, disgusted the rest of the community.

al at

to

The intelligence was first received at Caracas, which province was the first to revolutionize. The same effect was produced at Buenos Ayres about a month after, when the same tidings arrived. The whole of the South continent was in a state of excitation: the old Spaniards were much alarmed, and manifested their fears by tyranny and oppression, instead of meeting the natives and endeavouring to heal the wound in a spirit of conciliation. A number of people who had assembled unarmed to petition the governor of the province of Socorro, in the kingdom of Fé, was fired upon by the military. The sanctuary of a convent could not protect the governor from the infuriated mob, who rose in a body to resent the atrocious outrage. In the capital of Santa Fé a scene of the same nature occurred, from a native being insulted by an European. Quito was converted into an aceldama; a junta was appointed at Carthagena, which wrested the authority out of the hand of the governor; Lima was menaced, and every circumstance portended a general rebellion. Had these effects arisen from any premeditated plan, the "commanders of each province would have encouraged their followers with the strength thus derived; but the cause lay deeper than any plan could reach, for the same ideas appeared to pervade those provinces which had very little communication with each other; and the inhabitants of Caracas and Buenos Ayres

were not acquainted with each other's steps till some N. AMEmonths after each had commenced the revolution.

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RICA.

Political and Moral

tions.

The declarations that were published nearly at the same period in distant places, bear a very striking resemblance to each other, which proves them to be the real State, and universal expression of the public mind. "The supreme government of the Peninsula (they said) has been Spanish declared infamous and treacherous: the members of it Possessions. are even accused by the people of Spain of having be- Declaratrayed the country into the hands of the enemy. Can we then trust to the suspicious offspring of such a corrupted stock? Shall we wait till they choose to make their peace with Bonaparte, by betraying us into his hands? It was owing to our decided determination that the orders sent from Bayonne by the French ruler were not put into execution by our European governors. They were then ready to submit to his treachery; they will scarcely be less so now, when they have lost all hopes of succeeding in the Peninsula. But setting all this aside, how can the ephemeral governments of Spain pretend to rule us, when they are manifestly incompetent to direct the people among whom they dwell! If they represent Ferdinand VII. let them exercise their power over those who have elected them; we will do the same in our own country--we will create a government in the name of our beloved sovereign, and that we will obey. Our brethren of the Peninsula shall have our aid, our friendship, and our good wishes." The language is similar in all the early proclamations of the insurgents of Spanish America. That they did not at first contemplate a total alienation from the mother-country is certain.

regency.

When informed of the insurrection in Caracas, the Resentment regency immediately declared them rebels, and block- of the aded their ports; and the governors of the surrounding districts were commanded to intercept all their supplies. The declaration itself was couched in that gross and most insulting language, which only made the people despise a government that was threatening to avenge themselves upon two millions of souls fighting at their own doors for every thing that they esteemed valuable, and separated from their tyrants by the Atlantic ocean, whilst it was constrained to shield itself under the mercantile interest in the Peninsula. The regency was in reality a mere automaton, made to move or stand still at the command of the merchants of Cadiz, and this decree was the effect of their insatiable covetousness. A single fact gave sufficient proof of this to the Spanish

Americans.

Soon after it had been installed, the minister of the Indies had recommended to the regency the conciliatory step of allowing the colonies a free trade, and was warmly seconded by his under-secretary, a man whose ardent and patriotic mind had rendered him deservedly eminent during the Spanish revolution. In the plotting and despicable manner of the old court, the order was privately printed, signed by the minister, and forwarded to America, that it might be out of the power of the government to rescind it, when it should be discovered by the merchants. In spite of all these precautions, the transaction got wind, and the fury excited at Cadiz was ungovernable. The members of the regency were alarmed; they boldly taxed the minister and his under-secretary with having promul gated a forged order; both were taken into custody, and detained till a counter-order was procured, after

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The first Mexican leader.

Queratora

News now arrived that the central junta had conferred its highest honours upon the Spaniards of the city of Mexico. The most virulent foes of the Creoles, the members of the high court of justice, were made temporary governors of the kingdom, until the viceroy Venegas, appointed by the new regency of Cadiz, arrived, and the archbishop, who was the bond of union between them and the old government, was superseded: this last stroke was too much.

The state of civilization to which the kingdom of Mexico has arrived, renders it, according to Humboldt, in every respect worthy to be placed at the head of the Spanish colonies; and Hidalgo, a vicar of the interior of this province, was the first to apply the torch to the kindling materials of revolt. He possessed a valuable living at Dolores, a considerable town in the province of Valladolid Machoacan: his natural abilities were great, and well cultivated; and he had contrived to establish mines and manufactures of some considerable consequence to his neighbourhood. Having extricated himself from the power of the inquisition, before whom he had been already cited as a suspicious person, and secured the attachment of the Indians to his person, he communicated his designs to three captains of cavalry, stationed in the neighbourhood of Dolores, named Allende, Aldama and Abasolo, of the regiment De la Regna, and who were natives of the place. These officers promptly joined in the views of Hidalgo, whom they much esteemed.

Allende proceeded to Querataro, one of the most imdisaffected. portant towns of Mexico, where he had great success in procuring adherents, until the Spaniards discovered a degree of excitation amongst the creoles, and determined to proceed in regard of the corregidor of Querataro, as those in the capital had done towards their viceroy. They arrested, and conveyed the corregidor to Mexico, where this magistrate clearing himself of all suspicion of his fidelity, the event was industriously circulated, as a proof of the tyranny to which all the institutions of the country were exposed, and as presenting a new reason for urging the creoles to throw off the yoke.

First explosion.

The arrival of Venegas at Vera Cruz, was the signal of explosion; and Hidalgo and his coadjutors concluded upon an immediate and decisive step. On the 17th of September, 1810, the vicar assembled the Indians to a sermon, in which he dwelt upon the pusillanimity of the Spaniards in the Peninsula, and the danger, through their being delivered over to the English or French, of the final extirpation of their holy Catholic religion. The Indians, accustomed to be blindly led by their priests, trembled at this representation; and when Hidalgo, at the conclusion, invited them to arms, they obeyed with enthusiasm. Hidalgo,

per

RICA

and Mor

State

supported by Allende, now conducted the multitude to N. AME the town of St. Miguel el Grande, and gave them mission to attack and plunder the habitations of the Spaniards; the whole population of the kingdom of Political Mechoacan quickly recognized his authority; three regiments of veterans espoused his cause, and the town of Salamanca fell into his hands. The Indians Spanish joined him wherever he came. He was supplied with Poss 5,000,000 of dollars by the town of Guanaxuato, not far from which was the richest gold-mine in Mexico, and nothing appeared to be wanted by the revolutionists but experienced generals and strict discipline. Instead, however, of marching at once to Mexico, Folly of Hidalgo now committed a fatal error by proceeding to Valladolid, which he entered on the 20th of October, and was immediately joined by two regiments of veteran cavalry; his military chest was also enriched by 1,500,000 dollars from the royal treasury. The whole province of Guadalaxara and the city of Zaca tecas were at this time at his command, and imagining that the viceroy would not venture to give him battle, and that the number of disaffected in the capital would oblige it to surrender as soon as he appeared, he marched to Toluco, while the royal army retreated to Lerma.

During the time that Hidalgo was proceding towards Mexico, another corps was advancing through Apisco to Cuernavaca to occupy the adjacent coast of the Pacific ocean.

Hidalgo,

cesses.

The capital being now in imminent danger, and His sneneither the troops nor the people firm in the royal cause, Venegas resolved upon one of those happy expedients for its preservation, which had perhaps been tried in vain in any other country of the world. He procured from the archbishop and the inquisition, a sentence of excommunication against Hidalgo and all his troops and abettors; it made little immediate impression in the revolutionary camp, but it completely awed the disaffected in the town. The insurgents had reached the mountain of Las Cruzes, a few miles from Mexico; the pass was defended by a few Spanish troops, who were easily dislodged, and they arrived before its walls. But Hidalgo's great failing was want of decision: he now summoned the viceroy instead of storming the city, and declaring that his only desire was to see a junta established for the government of the kingdom, and to send immediate supplies of money to the Peninsula, he neither conciliated the populace nor intimidated the authorities of the place. Information now reached him of some advantages gained by the vice-royal army in his rear, and he had no alternative but a retreat from an ill-sustained situation, which he accomplished in great disorder. The Spanish general Collejas had taken the town of Dolores, where the revolution commenced, and massacred all the inhabitants. He met the in- Defeat surgents at Aculco, and entirely defeated them: he then marched to Guanaxuato, which he entered on the 25th of November, and wreaked his vengeance on the miserable inhabitants. Another body of Spaniards, under General Cruz, entered the town of Irapurato, devoting it to horrible carnage. The personal fate of Hidalgo was now quickly decided. He had proceeded to the provincias internas with a numerous army, who still retained their attachment to him, when he received an offer of alliance from the

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ME that district, and consented to a meeting, at which he CA. and his principal friends were basely siezed, and executed immediately.

itical Moral

ste.

au

ud

But detached corps of the Creoles and Indians were already scattered over the whole kingdom. The Mexican insurgents adopted the guerilla mode of warfare, and nish daily improved in skill and hardihood. Large and sons, well-organized corps were formed, and commanded by leaders more skilful than Hidalgo. A revolutionary government was maintained at Zitaquaro, by a lawyer named Rayon, who, when that town was likely to be taken by the viceroy's troops, contrived to escape, and joined another large party of insurgents commanded by the priest Morelos. This chief afterwards obtained considerable advantages, and made himself master of the whole coast to the S., while his comrade, Sanchez, with 30,000 men, extended the revolutionary authority over the plains of Puebla, and throughout the mountainous districts of Orezava.

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The city of Orezava itself also fell into the hands of the insurgents, and the communication with Vera Cruz was entirely cut off. According, however, to late accounts from Mexico, the northern features of the war seem to have turned considerably in favour of the old government. The consequences which have ensued from it in Venezuela and the Southern continent, will meet our attention in the sequel of this article.

CHAP. IV.

UNCONQUERED REGIONS AND NATIVE TRIBES.

A glance of the eye over the map of North America immediately suggests the melancholy sentiment, that there are but two causes in general operation to check the progress of ambition: the one, the frosty barrier which nature presents to the rapacity of man, and which renders conquest either hopeless or useless-the other, the tardy movements of discovery and adventure, which have not brought to light nations weak enough to be subdued, or wicked enough to sell the birthright of their liberties.

If it seem, at first sight, contradictory to this representation, to speak as we are about to do, of some few native tribes, known but unsubdued, be it observed, that their (at present) independent condition may be considered as resulting from the very partial information that has been obtained of their magnitude and political capacities, and the circumstance of many of these tribes perpetually receding into the more distant regions, to escape the servitude which is the price of their acquaintance with the civilized world.

The first of the countries which we propose to consider under our general designation, is that which is situated on the north-eastern side of the American continent, and known by the name of LABRADOR. It was discovered by a Portuguese navigator, from whom it derived its present appellation, and who found its coasts inhabited by Iskimos, while the interior contained what Europeans have termed American savages. The Iskimos are, in reality, the same people with the Greenlanders. Their manners are offensive, and they make use of sledges drawn by dogs. They are, in general, a peaceable people, but, like all other barbarous tribes, vindictive and furious when much excited. The moun

Political

d Moral

State.

Uncon

quered Regions, &c.

taineers form a distinct class, having very much the N. AMEgeneral character of gypsies. They reside in wigwams, RICA. or tents, covered with deer-skin and the rind of the birch-tree. The rein-deer constitutes their principal food, and they also pursue foxes, martins, and beavers. The interior is at present but little explored; but, so far as it is known, it contains some appearances of fertility, and besides several species of trees, as elders, firs, birch, &c. produces wild celery, scurvy-grass, and Indian sallad. The Moravian missionaries, who formed some settlements in this country about the year 1766, discovered what has been termed the Labrador stone, an iridesant felspar. The eastern coast presents a desolate appearance: rocky mountains rise suddenly from the borders of the sea, with spots of black peat earth scattered with dwarf shrubs. Rivers and lakes are Multitudes of numerous, but springs uncominon. islands, occupied by sea-fowl, particularly eider-ducks, and by deer, foxes, and hares, abound on the coasts. The birds are also numberless. The animals of Labrador are chiefly of the fur kind. There are both white and black bears, besides rein-deer, beavers, porcuThe fish are principally pines, and wolverenes.

salmon, trout, pike, barbel, and eels.

The

The COUNTRY ABOUT HUDSON'S BAY, the eastern Country part of which is termed East Maine, and the western round Huddistricts New-North and South Wales, constitutes son's bay. another of the Unconquered Regions of America. Several different tribes of natives resort to the factories of the Hudson's-bay company, but their characteristics have not been hitherto ascertained or defined. Iskimos are indigenes in the northern part. The chief rivers of this district are the Saskashawin, or Nelson, and the Severn: the latter is broad and deep, but its course is not very considerable, being estimated at only 400 English miles. 400 English miles. To the southward the principal rivers pass under the names of the Albany, Moose, Abitib, and Harricana, but they are all obstructed by shoals and cataracts. The climate is excessively severe in the winter the ice on the rivers attains to a thickness of eight feet, and the rocks are sometimes rent asunder with the most tremendous noise. The sun is invested with a large conical light of a yellowish hue both at his rising and setting; and what have been termed mock-suns are frequent. The aurora borealis exhibits a most splendid appearance in this latitude, and the stars emit a fiery beam over this icy and chearless region. The quadrupeds and birds are the same with those of Labrador and of Canada. Of trees, the dwarf larch, called here the juniper, is found: the wisha capuccha, called American tea, is drank in infusion.

Mr. Pennant remarks, that "multitudes of birds Natural retire to this remote country, to Labrador, and New- historyfoundland, from places most remotely south, perhaps from the Antilles; and some even of the most delicate little species. Most of them, with numbers of aquatic fowis, are seen returning southward, with their young broods, to more favourable climates. The savages, in some respects, regulate their months by the appearance of birds; and have their goose-month from the vernal appearance of geese from the south. All the grous kind, ravens, cinereous crows, titmouse, and Lapland finch, brave the severest winter; and several of the falcons and owls seek shelter in the woods. The rein-deer pass in vast herds towards the north in

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