always higher in large towns than in rural districts. This is chiefly explained by the fact that a large number of young country-people resort to populous districts, where, owing to the presence of large trades and manufactures, higher wages can be secured, and there they marry. In towns there is nearly always an excess of persons between twenty and forty years of age. Many also resort to towns merely to be married, subsequently returning to rural districts.

Influence of National Prosperity on Marriage-Rate.-Dr. Farr has described the marriage-rate as the barometer of prosperity (present in part, but future anticipated prosperity in still greater part), just as the funds are the barometer of credit. So we find that the marriages of England increase as "the result of peace after war, abundance after dearth, high wages after want of employment, speculation after languid enterprise, confidence after distrust, national triumphs after national disasters."

The same conclusion is borne out by the fact, frequently alluded to by the Registrar-General in his reports, that the marriage-rate varies in the same direction as the value of British exports, the average price of wheat, and the amount per head of population cleared out at the Bankers' Clearing House. The coincidence, it should be pointed out, is one in direction, but not in degree. Twice only in twenty-two years did the marriage-rate and exports move in different directions, while the marriage-rate and imports moved diversely seven times in twenty-two years.

The fact that marriages increase as the price of wheat rises is explained by the Registrar-General as follows: Evidently the price of wheat, and therefore of food, has ceased to be the one determining factor rendering marriage justifiable or the reverse. The amount of wages is more important than the price of food, and the wages are determined by the demand for labour, and this, speaking generally, by the amount and value of the goods produced and exported. Consequently the marriagerate fluctuates with the exports of British goods rather than with the cheapness of food; and this explains the fact that

marriages do not increase when food is cheap. It does not explain, however, their increase when food is dear; and the Registrar-General (48th Annual Report) suggests that with increased wages, or an increased number of persons earning wages, there is a greater consumption of bread and a consequent rise in the price of wheat. He acknowledges, however, that the question requires the attention of experts, and a portion of his reasoning is certainly undermined by the fact, for which we can vouch, that in agricultural districts, like Lincolnshire, it is the price of wheat which determines the amount of wages, and not vice versa.

General Decline in Marriage-Rate.-The preceding table shows that in this country there has been a considerable and almost continuous fall in the number of marriages, which set in with 1874. A similar decline is shown in other States; in France, Prussia, and the German Empire it set in a year earlier. In the latter countries the diminution appears greater, owing to the abnormally high marriage-rate in 1872, at the conclusion of the Franco-Prussian war. It is evident that, as the decline in the marriage-rate is not confined to England, it cannot be regarded as indicating any falling off in the prosperity of this country, as compared with other parts of Europe.

Marriage Calendar.-The Registrar-General's statistics show that most marriages occur in December, October, April, and June. The greater number of marriages in December, April, and June are accounted for by the festive periods of Christmas, Easter, and Whitsuntide coinciding with these months; while October is the period after the harvest, when the agricultural labourer has comparative leisure as well as money in his pocket. The month of May, for some unknown reason, is lowest on the list as regards number of marriages. The favourite days in the week for marriages are Saturday, Monday, and Sunday.

Marriages and Remarriages.-In the year 1886, of the total marriages 87.6 per cent. were of bachelors and 124 per cent. of widowers. Of the bachelors who married (171,664 in number), 95.6 per cent. married spinsters and 44 per cent.

widows. Of the widowers who remarried (24,407 in number), 62 per cent. married spinsters and 38 per cent. widows. Of the women married during the same year, 91-4 per cent. were spinsters and 8.6 per cent. widows. Of the spinsters (179,301 in number), 91.6 per cent. were married to bachelors and 84 per cent. to widowers. Of the 16,770 widows who were remarried during the year, 447 per cent. were married to bachelors and 55.3 per cent. to widowers.

Ages at Marriage. The statistics under this head. are imperfect, owing to the phrases "full age," "minor,” “under age," being frequently inserted in the register. There is evidence, however, of steady improvement in this respect; for while in 1851 in 63 per cent. of the total marriages the precise age was not stated, in 1861 the proportion had fallen to 37, in 1871 to 29, in 1885 to 8.5, and in 1886 to 6.9 per cent. It is unfortunate that such statement of age at marriage is not compulsory, as it would form an important datum in determining the relative fecundity of different populations.

Of the 93.1 per cent. of the total marriages in 1886 in which the age of the contracting parties was stated, the mean age of the women married was 25'9 years, and of the men 28.2 years. Taking marriages and remarriages separately, the mean age of widowers married was 43.8 years; of widows, 40.1 years; of bachelors, 26-2; and of spinsters, 246 years. Postponement of marriage of course limits the childbearing period; and a portion of the lowering of birth-rate which has occurred of late years may be ascribed to this cause.

The mean age at marriage has been gradually rising since 1873. In that year there was great prosperity, and the marriage-rate was at its maximum, the mean age of bachelors at marriage being 25-6, and of spinsters 24-2 years, the lowest recorded. Since then the mean age at marriage has gradually risen, the figures for 1887 (see above table) being the highest yet recorded. It appears, therefore, that when the marriages are few in number, they are also delayed to a somewhat later period of life.

Mr. C. Ansell in his "Statistics of Families in the Upper and Professional Classes" (page 44), found that the mean age at marriage of bachelors of these classes during the period 1840 to 1871 was 29.95 years.

The following table from the Registrar-General's Annual Report for 1886 gives the relative age at marriage in different social conditions, widows and widowers being left out of ac

count.

Average Ages at Marriage of Bachelors and Spinsters in Occupational Groups, 1884-1885.

It will be seen from this table that in the groups in which men marry early, so do the women. Thus in the case of miners and textile hands the mean age at marriage in both men and women is at its lowest; while in farmers and those of the professional and independent classes there is the highest

mean age at marriage of both. It will be observed also that the more advanced the mean age, the greater becomes the difference between the age of husband and wife.

Marriage of Minors.-Spite of the gradually rising mean age at marriage, the marriages of minors do not show any corresponding decrease. 81 per cent. of the bachelors (13,079) and 23.6 per cent. of the spinsters (39,533) whose ages at marriage were stated in 1886 were under 21 years of age; and in 6.2 per cent. of the marriages between bachelors and spinsters whose ages were stated both contracting parties were minors.

The following table shows, without discrimination between first marriages and re-marriages, the proportion of marriages per 1,000 total marriages which occurred in successive years under 21 years of age:

To ascertain more exactly the proportion of women marrying under age, we should require to know accurately the number of unmarried men and women living under 21 years of age. Dr. Farr, acting on this method (35th Annual Report), came

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