treasurer, editor, and two general organizers, are nominated and elected by the membership at large, instead of by the convention. In this union, as in all the other new industrial unions, there is a great desire to avoid control by a clique of officials. For this reason, no one is eligible to the convention who has been a paid official during the preceding two months. The Amalgamated Metal Workers at their first convention took a similar stand by allowing national and district officers a seat but no vote, excluding them from all committees, and denying them the right to act in any official capacity in the convention. In order to prevent collusion between union leaders and employers, the constitution of the food workers' union states that no official or member of the union shall seek a private interview with an employer during a strike. The metal workers seek a similar safeguard by providing that no paid representative of the organization may attempt any negotiations with an employer without the presence of one of the shop stewards.

Constitution of the Tobacco Workers' Union

The Amalgamated Tobacco Workers, like the Workers in the Amalgamated Food Industries, leave the locals very free to manage their own affairs. They may call strikes whenever their members vote for such action, and the central organization guarantees moral and financial support to the extent of its ability. The shop chairmen, who hold weekly meetings with such other representatives as the shops consider it necessary to elect, deal with all matters concerning the interests of the tobacco workers in their locality, but all questions of importance must be referred to the local union membership for final decision. Any local may propose an amendment to the national constitution at any time, and

if endorsed by two other locals this amendment must be submitted to referendum vote, as must all decisions of the annual convention. The general officers of the union, who are nominated by the convention and elected by the whole membership, serve for one year and may not hold office for more than two consecutive terms. This provision is intended to prevent that domination of the organization by one strong personality, or by a clique of officials, which is characteristic of many of the older unions. The secretary-treasurer and organizer are the only paid officials of the central organization. In order that free expression may be given to all opinions, members may publish in the union journal any articles which they desire, without mutilation or comment from the editor. In spite of these efforts to prevent the national officials from having too much power, the tobacco workers turn over to the central organization a much larger proportion of the money received from dues than do the other unions in this group. From 50 to 70 per cent of their dues go to the central office, whereas the food workers turn over only 15 per cent, the metal workers 20 per cent, and the automobile workers less than 50 per cent. In general the relative strength of the national organization in comparison with the local is indicated by the amount of money which it allows the local group to retain for its own purposes, but in this case the criterion does not appear to be a very accurate one. All of these unions follow the usual policy of industrial unions in keeping initiation fees and dues. low. The fees run from $2 to $5 (though the automobile workers set $5 as the minimum). Dues are from $1 to $1.50 a month, except in the case of the automobile workers who allow the locals to set a higher amount if they see fit.

Summary

In summing up briefly, we may say that these four industrial unions, of food, tobacco, metal, and automobile workers, look forward definitely and hopefully to the end of the capitalist system and the coming of a better social order in which the workers shall receive the full value of all which they produce. Their belief in the class struggle influences the tactics of some of them to the extent of refusing to make definite contracts with employers, but nevertheless their efforts are largely directed toward securing the same immediate improvements in their conIdition which are sought by other unions. The main practical difference between them and most of the A. F. of L. unions lies in the greater degree of democracy in the conduct of union affairs which characterizes them, and in the all-inclusive spirit which raises no barriers in the way of high initiation fees and dues, and reaches out to all workers in the industry regardless of nationality, sex, or craft.

CHAPTER X

CONCLUSION

Class Consciousness

Now that we have come to the end of our survey, we must ask ourselves what it has taught us of the psychology of the workers and the direction in which organized labor is moving. In our analysis of the details of structure and policy it has been easy to lose sight of the broad outlines of industrial unionism. We must now try to sum up the essential characteristics of these various bodies and come to some general conclusions as to the value of the type of organization which we have been describing.

The outstanding feature of these industrial unions is their class consciousness. To be sure, there are a few unions claiming jurisdiction over all who work in their industries which have relatively little of it, and in practically all of the industrial unions there are many individuals who do not see far beyond the small group with which they are immediately associated, but in general we may say that industrial unions uphold the principle that all members of the working class, no matter what their occupation or degree of skill, have interests in common and must work for the coming of a better day for all the workers. Some organizations such as the Industrial Workers of the World and the One Big Union seek to unite all types of workers in one great organization, believing that in no other way can the solidarity of labor be adequately expressed. Others hold that a sense of solidarity can best be developed and the

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interests of the workers furthered by organizing simply by industries, with the hope that in the future these industrial groups may draw closer together and form an inter-industrial alliance of some sort.

Is this class consciousness socially desirable or not? The "average citizen" who is unconnected with the labor movement will probably answer quickly in the negative. To him the term "class consciousness" conveys nothing but an idea of hatred between classes and bitter industrial struggle. It is an anti-social conception, he declares, and should be combated by all possible means. In indignantly condemning it, he contrasts it with the attitude of one who seeks to serve society as a whole, rather than any one class, and adjures the laborer to do his work faithfully and maintain harmonious relations with his employer in order that nothing may interfere with the peace and comfort of the general public. In so doing, the average citizen fails to realize that the alternative to class consciousness on the part of the worker is less likely to be devotion to the welfare of such an all-inclusive group as the whole of society than devotion to his own interests alone. When a worker first comes in touch with the labor movement and begins to realize that his welfare is bound up with that of his fellows, he experiences a great emancipation from a narrow circle of interests. The first group with which he feels community of interest is likely to be that with which he is working, at the same craft or in the same shop. As his horizon widens his loyalty extends naturally to all who are working in the same industry with him, and he is ready to subordinate his own immediate advantage and even that of his craft or shop to that of the whole industrial group. As horizons widen still further and the sense of solidarity develops, loyalty to the whole work ing class grows out of, though does not supplant, loyalty to