unionism, the craft spirit is still very strong in the industry. Even within the A. T. W. some of the most powerful groups are on a craft basis, being composed simply of spinners or weavers, though this is contrary to the principles of the organization. In Philadelphia the A. T. W. is practically only a federation of strong crafts which have inherited the ideas of the United Textile Workers. According to Mr. Robert Dunn who has made a special study of the industry, the spirit of industrial unionism is perhaps stronger in the silk mills than in cotton or woolen mills, since the different processes are carried on under one roof and the various types of workers are thus more closely associated, but on the whole much of the craft spirit remains. Many groups have split off from the United Textile Workers, not through interest in progressive industrial unionism, but because of impatience with the methods of President Golden and the centralized control of his organization. These are not likely to bring to the new federation that sense of solidarity with all workers and that forward-looking idealism which are characteristic of industrial unionism at its best. Nevertheless the presence of the A. T. W. in the federation ought to do much to educate the other bodies in the principles of the "new unionism."

Attitude of the I. W. W.

The textile industry contains some industrial unionism of a more extreme form than that of the A. T. W. Both branches of the I. W. W. have organized textile workers in some places, and though their membership has been most unstable and they no longer have any control in the industry, they have had considerable influence. The I. W. W. Textile Workers' Union in Paterson, which is the only place where an I. W. W. local in the industry

still exists, has fought the new textile union with especial vigor, attacking it for its conservatism and compromise and calling it an "imitation industrial union" led by "ministers, college boys and politicians." In 1919 the I. W. W. local joined the United Textile Workers in trying to break the strike of the workers, and circulated pamphlets denouncing the A. T. W. leaders. These denunciations have continued ever since. In reply to a letter from one of the Amalgamated officials inquiring as to the causes of friction between the two organizations, the Paterson I. W. W. stated that the tactics of the A. T. W. in trying to swallow up their local made cooperation impossible. The fundamental differences between the two unions, they said, lay (1) in their attitude toward contracts, in regard to which the A. T. W. takes the "same reactionary stand as the A. F. of L. and the Amalgamated Clothing Workers"; (2) in their attitude toward arbitration; and (3) in the degree of official control. The leaders of the A. T. W., they claimed, were trying to form a powerful machine to control the rank and file, and were "misleading and deceiving the workers into building up another tyrannical and reactionary machine like the Amalgamated Clothing Workers." Class conscious workers would soon regret having followed them.

I. W. W. and A. T. W. Compared

Mr. Long, one of the minister-leaders of the A. T. W., makes a different comparison between his organization and the I. W. W. They have the same ultimate hope for the control of production by the workers, and are equally radical in their philosophy, he says; but whereas the I. W. W. relies wholly on class consciousness and would go to pieces without it, the Amalgamated takes in people Solidarity, May 8, 1920.

whether class-conscious or not and tries to make them so. The I. W. W. are "uncompromising social idealists," so uncompromising that they cannot take in many members and hence have little practical success as a working organization. Refusing to make contracts, they are unable to secure the closed shop agreements which have proved of such advantage to other unions. The Amalgamated, on the other hand, relies not merely on preaching ideals, but on organizing in effective fashion for bringing about economic changes. In this respect it shows a clearer understanding of economic determinism than does the I. W. W. To quote from an editorial in the New Textile Worker by "R. P.," the "Amalgamated will not be swerved from its purpose by any sporadic or a priori attempts to take a short cut to the goal. . . . It has ideals in its head but keeps its feet on the earth, being scientifically grounded in economic fact; it is a strong and living link between the present and the future." 10

10 New Textile Worker, Sept. 25, 1920.

CHAPTER IX

INDUSTRIAL UNIONISM IN VARIOUS

OTHER INDUSTRIES

Unions Considered

Industrial unions which are independent of the A. F. of L. have been springing up with considerable rapidity recently. This study cannot attempt to describe them all, but we must mention a few other examples in addition to those already considered. This chapter, therefore, will treat briefly those which have arisen in the metal, food, tobacco, automobile, and railroad industries. Three of them-those in the metal, food, and tobacco industrieswere formed within the last year or two, so the record of their accomplishments cannot be long. The American Federation of Railroad Workers and the United Automobile, Aircraft and Vehicle Workers of America, on the other hand, are outgrowths of old A. F. of L. organizations, and have been in existence for a longer period.

The American Railway Union

Various industrial unions have sprung up on the railroads and then died away, and most of these will not even be mentioned here, but before considering the American Federation of Railroad Workers we must say just a word about the American Railway Union which was launched by Eugene Debs in Chicago in 1893. Aiming to include all railroad workers, and even those making cars for use on the roads, this organization spread very rapidly and drew many away from the craft unions. In 1894 it

claimed 150,000 members.1 The great Pullman strike which was called by this union in 1894 tied up twentyfour roads centering in Chicago and caused much public concern. It was checked by the intervention of the government, which jailed the leaders, and compelled the men to go back to work. The loss of this strike broke the power of the union, and though it lingered along till 1897 it was no longer an important factor. The outlook of this organization was distinctly radical.

The American Federation of Railroad Workers

On the other hand, the American Federation of Railroad Workers has the reputation of being the most conservative of industrial unions. It was organized about 1900 as the International Association of Car Workers, and affiliated with the A. F. of L. In 1911, however, it refused to amalgamate with the Brotherhood of Railway Carmen, as ordered by the A. F. of L., and withdrew from that body. Three years later it extended its jurisdiction to include all classes of railroad workers, and adopted its present name. This action intensified the opposition of the craft unions to the seceding organization, and at the second biennial convention of the Railroad Employees Department a vehement attack was made upon Richardson, its president, charging him with being more in sympathy with the railroad officials than with the workers. It was ordered that no system federation should admit representatives of the American Federation of Railroad Workers, and an official circular was issued denouncing the new organization for aiming to break up the forces of the other unions. The antagonism between the American Federation of Railroad Workers and the craft unions has persisted ever since. Much friction arose in 1 Commons, and Associates, History of Labor in the U. S., p. 501.