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ment with all the necessaries and many of the comforts of life in abundance, besides furnishing a capital for the purposes of production and traffic. Some objections they anticipated, and first, the difficulty of making so many persons agree and act cordially together. To this they allowed little weight, the only condition which they required upon admission being a formal acknowledgement of this maxim, that while every member had a right to do separately for himself whatever he could, without trespassing upon others, it was his duty to do as much as he could, without injury to himself, for the benefit and comfort of the society. So plain a proposition, they thought, was not likely to be contravened: and if it were, every adult member might quit the society when he pleased; and the majority of course possessed the power of expelling any individual who disturbed its peace, either paying him the fair value of his share in the permanent stock, or allowing him to sell out. A second objection was, that under such a system, the poor, the indolent and inefficient would fare as well as the more wealthy, industrious and useful. But the answer to this was, that a community of goods was not what they proposed: their plan of association rather resem bled that of regimental messes; and as the

contributions were to be regulated according to the means of those who could afford least, such as could afford more indulgences might have them at their own expense. As for any misdirection or mal-administration of the funds, that must be provided against, as in other cases, by regular inspection. And for the injury which the small retail trade would suffer if such plans were generally adopted, it would be so gradual that it could hardly be called an evil: the general expenditure would be increased rather than diminished, and the retail dealer would find other modes of life. Lastly, the increase of population was objected, as a consequence which must follow from the success of such plans, and aggravate the miseries of posterity. But they repelled this argument with just indignation, and maintained that if a taste for comfort could be diffused over the whole community, it would constitute a much more effectual check upon excessive population than the misery which results from blind improvidence ever has, or ever can be expected to do.

SIR THOMAS MORE.

Enough of the theory. Let us hear how it proved in practice.

MONTESINOS.

There was a difficulty in the way which was

not so easily obviated as the theoretical objections. London, which furnishes facilities for most things, affords none for an experiment of this kind. Space was wanted, and buildings adapted for the intended manner of life. The speculators proposed to raise £12,000 in shares of £100 each, and with the money to erect a quadrangle according to Mr. Owen's designs; the property of the buildings was to be vested in the shareholders, and the society to pay a rental of 7 per cent. The capital was not forthcoming. The experiment was commenced with insufficient means, and under circumstances every way inconvenient. Of necessity therefore it failed; and then the failure was imputed to the impracticability of the scheme, whereas, had it been fairly set in action, it could hardly have failed to work well.

SIR THOMAS MORE.

Still in Utopia! Would you think thus favourably of the scheme, if it did not in some degree accord with the dreams of your youth?

MONTESINOS.

That consideration is more likely to put me on my guard against illusion. But though Owen's views evidently tend to an entire community of goods, and these speculators looked to such a result of their experiment as possible,

and as a consummation devoutly to be wished, they did not propose to go this length. What they aimed at was plainly practicable if it could have been fairly started, and the direct results must have been of unquestionable advantage to themselves, and utility to the commonwealth.

SIR THOMAS MORE.

A community of goods, you imply then, would be productive of good to neither?

MONTESINOS.

Theory and experience are alike against it. The Jesuits are the only persons who ever made the experiment upon an adequate scale, and, well as they succeeded in Paraguay, the result did not induce them to establish their later missions upon the same foundation.

SIR THOMAS MORE.

Was the fault in the system, or in the Jesuits? Surely they set their standard so low that no inference against the principle of such a polity can be drawn from the result.

MONTESINOS.

They may

The standard was the same in the Chiquito as in the Paraguay Reductions. more properly be said to have aimed at taming and domesticating the savages than at civilizing them. But in the course of their experience they perceived that the disposition to have and

to hold is the main spring of all improvements in society: and the desire of increasing their comforts and enjoyments called forth in the Chiquitos a degree of active and intelligent industry, to which the Guaranis, notwithstanding the advantage of a much earlier settlement, never attained. But this is a wide excursion. Let us return from the Guapore and the Uraguay to the Thames.

SIR THOMAS MORE.

What then are the advantages, which, according to your view of the subject, might be expected from the Owenite plan, modified as you think it ought to be?

MONTESINOS.

To the individuals so associated, I am persuaded the benefit would not fall short of what these speculators proposed to themselves. And to society at large, there would be the great and unequivocal good of exalting one whole class, and that a numerous one,..bettering their condition in every way, moral and physical,.. increasing their respectabitity, their comforts, their means and their expenditure. This further advantage would arise, that, as no person would be admitted into such a community unless his character would bear inquiry, nor be allowed to continue in it if he deserved expul

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