regarded by some, as solely for the seaboard, and therefore its services and its pay are fully appreciated by the gentleman. Why does the gentleman not bleat a little when wool is plastered on him as well as when it is shorn off? The gentleman, sir, is no more shorn, nor is the West, by increasing the pay of the navy than by increasing the pay of the army. If there is one branch of the public service in which the whole country is more equally interested than in another, it is that of the navy."

Not only was Mr. Hardin not the friend of the various persons and classes already referred to, but he was lacking in attachment for the locality itself. When it was proposed that Government take stock in a canal that was to connect Alexandria and Washington, he aided in defeating the measure, speaking twice on the subject. He was not even the uncalculating friend of Pennsylvania avenue (the pride of the national capital), across which flowed Tiber creek, a turbulent stream that in the days of the fathers of the Constitution meandered down to the Potomac with all the dignity of a "navigable stream," the waters of which were once intended to be carried to the top of Congress house, to fall in a cascade twenty feet in height and fifty in breadth, and thence to run in three falls through the gardens into the grand canal," but which modern engineering has reduced to the ignoble office of an underground sewer.* On one occasion he inquired how it was possible the erection of stone arches over Tiber creek, and other repairs there, could require so large an appropriation as twelve hundred dollars? He was not aware upon what principle there could be such an expenditure for this purpose maintained, unless it was that peculiar principle on which some people of this city were known to act, namely, to get as much money as they could and do as little work for it as possible.

An attempt was made by various members to persuade Mr. Hardin that he was a representative of the District of Columbia as well as of his own district and State, and that its inhabitants were his constituents and entitled to his special consideration. But from this doctrine he entirely dissented. He regarded all their demands with distrust, and deemed it but just that the cities of the district should take care of themselves as cities did elsewhere in the Union. Nevertheless, he found from sad experiences that he who would withstand the district lobby needed Roman fortitude and virtue, for its fertility of resource was unbounded and in constant requisition. Every blandishment that

In this good year (1887) the author stood upon the dome of the capitol and looked out for this waterway. Possibly he saw its "remains" straggling into the Potomac to the north-west, but a mature citizen standing by was not sure of it, although he remembered when it crossed Pennsylvania avenue in its" winding flow."

could influence, every appeal to the passions was invoked. The omnipotence of beauty's smile spared neither youth nor age, and unequal was the contest between it and virtue. Now and then an obdurate member required sterner regimen. Instances were known about that. period where he received assurances that unpleasant consequences would result from contumacy. Mr. Hardin, realizing the situation, thus discoursed on the subject in 1835:

"It has been alleged that the people of this district ought to be the peculiar objects of our kind and munificent legislation, because they have no representative in Congress. When any one of the three cities in this district has business before Congress, its mayor and committees have the privilege of this hall. The people here have more weight in this House than the representatives of almost any State in the Union. The members of Congress associate with them, partake of their hospitalities, and lend a kind ear to their importunities. These means they are not sparing of, but exceedingly liberal. Their attentions seem to increase or diminish as they think they can operate on the members, when they have some object in view. When these means fail on particular members, a resort is had to abuse and insult, and not unfrequently anonymous letters are sent to the rebellious and refractory members, some containing threats and menaces, and others are deterred from opposing them from the dread of slander and scurrility. For, as Sir James McIntosh said in his celebrated defense of the French printer, who was prosecuted in England at the instance of Bonaparte, for a libel on the then existing French government, there was no man so low and debased, or so high and exalted, as to be entirely insensible to the approbation or disapprobation of his fellowmen.'

"It is the opinion of mankind upon the actions of others that is the great regulator of the morality of the world. For man, when left alone, and uninfluenced by the opinions of others, will run into excesses of every description: His heart is deceitful above all things, and desperately wicked.' am told that some of the people who live in, or are now in, this city, are so provoked at some of the members of this House for refusing to give and grant, with a liberal hand, all they ask for that my honorable friend to the right, from New York (Mr. Mann), and fellow-laborer in this good cause of retrenchment, has called down upon himself, from some of them at least, so deadly a hate that he is not only under the ban of their displeasure, but even some of his old friends are threatened that if they do not abandon him they shall be put out of the pale of society.

"A few of us here have to bear their cold disdains, scoffs, and contumelies; but I tell my worthy friends, who are deserving public servants, and especially my friend from Pennsylvania (Mr. Beaumont), now before me, who is so steadfast and unwavering in the good cause of retrenchment and

sun.

reform, not in name, as is the fashion of the day, but in reality, not to be deterred, but persevere to the last. Rewards are promised us elsewhere, the smiles of our constituents, and, at all events, an approving conscience, of which none can be deprived who believe they do right. As to myself, their taunts and scorns I cast back with proud disdain. I have been here a number of years, and always pursued the same policy, never to give away one dollar of the people's money unnecessarily. At the end of the session, with a cheerful countenance and light heart, I journey toward the setting When I reach the top of the western foot of the lofty Allegheny, I look down upon the western world widespread out before me. In a moment my imagination views the great valley of the Mississippi, extending from the Allegheny in the East to the top of the Rocky mountains in the West, and from the frozen lakes of the North to the Gulf of Mexico in the South, averaging a width of two thousand miles and a length of twenty-five hundredas large as half of Europe. Its great variety of climate; an unparalleled fertility of soil; its bold and navigable rivers; the rapidly-increasing population, already spread over a vast extent; the honesty, morality, and industry of the people; their simplicity of manners and energy of character,—when I compare these qualities with the people left behind; their vanity, show, vain. pomp, idle parade, and ridiculous pageantry; their prodigality, their effeminacy of character and insincerity of heart, my soul swells with becoming pride at the comparison, and turning toward the East, in the language of the dying Christian I am compelled to say, 'Farewell! farewell! vain world, I am going home!""

CHAPTER XX.

THE FRENCH PARTY DEFENDS ITSELF.

N the spring of 1835, Mr. Hardin was again a candidate for Con

fortune to

happened two years previously, hailed from Washington county. Popular and powerful as was Dr. Rudd, much stronger, in many respects, was Governor John Pope.

At the opening of the canvass, Governor Pope was sixty-five years of age, of large experience and great ability, and still retaining his faculties in full vigor. An important figure in State history, of whom little has been written by those who have essayed the task, and yet his career was of more than ordinary interest. His first step in public life, it must be admitted, was ominous. Using a homely phrase, "he stepped off the wrong foot," when, in the State Senate, in November, 1799, he attempted to amend the "Resolutions of '98," unsuccessfully, of course. If Kentucky ever had political gods, those same resolutions may be thus classed. In 1800, he was chosen presidential elector, and voted for Thomas Jefferson, some amelioration, certainly, of his faux pas of the year before.

In 1802, despite his iconoclastic disposition manifested in 1799, he was elected representative to the Legislature from Shelby county, where he then resided, and at which place he had been admitted to the bar. Not long after this event, he removed to Lexington, where he represented Fayette county in the Legislature in 1806 and 1807, being a colleague of Henry Clay in that body. Although yet a young man, he had achieved eminence in his profession and prominence in public affairs. In 1807, he was elected United States Senator over General John Adair, one of the sitting members.

The latter was so chagrined at defeat that he resigned his unexpired term, and thus gave Henry Clay the opportunity of filling the vacancy. Before the expiration of Governor Pope's term, war with Great Britain was declared, which, unfortunately for his career, he opposed. Why he opposed a measure so popular in the West is most probably to be attributed to domestic influences. His first wife was the daughter of General William Christian and niece of Patrick Henry.

She having died, he married Miss Johnson, daughter of the American consul at London, a sister of Mrs. John Quincy Adams, a woman of great beauty. Miss Johnson was of English birth, and, possibly, so far sympathized with the mother country as to use her influence with her husband. At the end of his term, as Henry Clay said of another, "he was permitted to retire."

He returned to the practice of his profession, in which he realized both reputation and profit. He was especially distinguished as an advocate in criminal cases. Amos Kendall, then but recently arrived from New England, gives an account in his Autobiography, of the trial in March, 1815, at Lexington, of one Payne for wife-murder. After referring to other details of the case, he says: "Mr. Pope, in behalf of the prisoner, then commenced in a very eloquent strain, addressed to the feelings of the jury. He summed up the evidence very handsomely, but was led from his subject by many irrelevant ideas which seemed to strike him on the occasion, and at length made his discourse tedious. I left the court just at night, but was told he continued his argument until nearly ten, and, though he had spoken six hours, did not finish! He seems to have no doubt of the fact, but hopes to save him on the plea of insanity; but he is no madman, and if he should be saved, justice will mourn."* The jury convicted the prisoner, notwithstanding Pope's efforts, and he was sentenced to death.

He was more successful in 1820 in defending Alerdice, in Green county, for murder. Although probably guilty, the prisoner was acquitted. "The effort of Mr. Pope on the occasion," says Mr. Allen, the historian, "was equal to any he had ever made before on a like occasion." +

In 1816, Governor George Madison died in office, and was succeeded by Lieutenant-Governor Slaughter. The latter appointed Governor Pope his secretary of State. Kendall says that when he heard of the appointment, he was "thunderstruck." Pope, after his unlucky vote against the war with Great Britain, had been esteemed a Federalist-a party that had really passed out of existence, but the very name of which was still odious in the West. Kentucky was overwhelmingly anti-Federalist in sentiment, and so the whole State experienced the sensation of Kendall. The unpopularity of Pope undoubtedly caused the question to be sprung against Governor Slaughter, that he was a usurper, that the lieutenant-governor could

Autobiography, page 140.

Allen's History of Kentucky, page 371.