been employed but in cases of necessity, the High-commission court, and the court of Star-chamber. A bili unanimously passed the houses to abolish both; and in them to annihilate the principal and most dangerous articles in the king's prerogative, In the midst of these troubles, the papists of Ireland fancied they found a convenient opportunity of throwing off the English yoke, and accordingly resolved to cut off all the protestants in the kingdom at a stroke; so that neither age, sex, nor condition, received any pity. Forty thousand protestants were supposed to have been killed in this massacre. In such indiscriminate slaughter, neither former benefits, nor alliances, nor authority, were any protection: numberless were the instances of friends murdering their intimates, relations their kinsmen, and servants their masters. In vain did flight save from the first assault; destruction, that had an extensive spread, met the haunted victims at every turn. The king took all the precautions in his power to shew his utter detestation of these bloody proceedings; and being sensible of his own inability to suppress the rebellion, had once more recourse to his English parliament, and craved their assistance for a supply. But here he found no hopes of assistance: many insinuations were thrown out, that he had himself fomented this rebellion, and no money could be spared for the extinction of distant dangers, when they pretended that the kingdom was threatened with greater at home. A. D. 1641. It was now that the republican spirit began to appear, without any disguise, in the present parliament, and that party, instead of attacking the faults of the king, resolved to destroy monarchy. The leaders of the opposition began their operations by a resolution to attack episcopacy, which was one of the strongest bulwarks of the royal power. They accused thirteen bishops of high treason, for enacting canons without the consent of parliament; and endeavoured to prevail upon the house of peers to exclude all the prelates from their seats and votes in that august assembly. The bishops saw the storm that was gathering against them; and probably, to avert its effects, they resolved to attend their duty in the house of lords no longer. This was a fatal blow to the royal interest: but it soon felt a much greater from the king's own imprudence, Charles had long suppressed his resentment, and only strove to satisfy the commons by the greatness of his concessions; but finding that all his compliance had but increased their demands, he could no longer retain it. He gave orders to Herbert, his attorney general, to enter an accusation of high treason in the house of peers against lord Kimbolton, one of the most popular men of his party, together with five commoners, Sir Arthur Haslerig, Hollis, Hampden, Pym, and Strode. The articles were, that they had traitorously endeavoured to subvert the fundamental laws and government of the kingdom; to deprive the king of his regal power; and to impose on his subjects an arbitrary and tyrannical authority. Men had scarce leisure to wonder at the precipitancy and imprudence of this impeachment, when they were astonished by another measure still more rash and unsupported. The next day the king himself was seen to enter the house of commons alone, advancing through the hall, while all the members stood up to receive him. The speaker withdrew from his chair, and the king took possession of it. Having seated himself and looked round him for some time, he told the house that he was sorry for the 'occasion that forced him thither, that he was come in person, to seize the members, whom he had accused of hightreason, seeing they would not deliver them up to his serjeant at arms. He then sat for some time to see if the accused were present; but they had escaped a few minutes before his entry. Thus disappointed, perplexed, and not knowing on whom to rely, he next proceeded, amidst the clamours of the populace, who continued to cry out, "Privilege! privilege!" to the common-council of the city, and made his complaint to them. The common-council only answered his complaints with a contemptuous silence: and on his return, one of the populace, more insolent than the rest, cried out, "To your tents, O Israel!" a watch-word among the Jews when they intended to abandon their princes. Being returned to Windsor, he began to reflect on the rashness of his former proceedings; and now, too late, resolved to make some atonement. He therefore wrote to the parliament, informing them, that he desisted from his former proceedings against the accused members: and assured them, that upon all occasions, he would be as careful of their privileges as of his life or his crown. Thus his former violence had rendered him hateful to his commons, and his present submission had now rendered him contemptible. The com The power of appointing generals and levying armies was still a remaining prerogative of the crown. mons having, therefore, first magnified their terrors of popery, which, perhaps, they actually dreaded, they proceeded to petition that the Tower might be put into their hands, and that Hull, Portsmouth, and the fleet, should be entrusted to persons of their choosing. These were requests, the complying with which levelled all that remained of the ancient constitution; however, such was the necessity of the times, that they were at first contested, and then granted. At last, every compliance only increasing the avidity of making fresh demands, the commons desired to have a inilitia, raised and governed by such officers and commanders as they should nominate, under pretext of securing them from the Irish papists, of whom they were in great apprehensions. It was here that Charles first ventured to put a stop to his concessions; and being urged to give up the command of the army for an appointed time, he was so exasperated, that he exclaimed, "No! not for an hour." This peremptory refusal broke off all farther treaty; and both sides were now resolved to have recourse to arms. A. D. No period since England began could shew so many instances of courage, abilities, and virtue as the 1642. present fatal opposition called forth into exertion. Now was the time when talents of every kind, unchecked by authority, were called from the lower ranks of life to dispute for power and pre-eminence. Manifestoes on the one side and the other were now dispersed throughout the whole kingdom; and the people were universally divided between two factions, distinguished by the names of Cavaliers and Roundheads. The king's forces appeared in a very low condition; besides the train-bands of the country, raised by Sir John Digby, the sheriff, he had not got together thrce hundred infantry. His cavalry, which composed his chief strength, exceeded not eight hundred, and were very ill provided with arms. However, he was soon gradually reinforced from all quarters; but not being then in a condition to face his enemies, he thought it prudent to retire by slow marches to Derby, and thence to Shrewsbury, in order to countenance-the levies which his friends were making in those quarters. In the mean time, the parliament were not remiss in pre parations on their side. They had a magazine of arms at Hull, and Sir John Hotham was appointed governor of that place by parliament. The forces also, which had been every where raised on pretence of the service of Ireland, were now more openly enlisted by the parliament for their own purposes, and the command given to the earl of Essex, a bold man, who rather desired to see monarchy abridged, than totally destroyed; and in London, no less than four thousand men were enlisted in one day. Edge-hill was the first place where the two armies were put in array against each other, and the country drenched in civil slaughter. It was a dreadful sight, to see above thirty thousand of the bravest men in the world, instead of employing their courage abroad, turning it against each other, while the dearest friends, and nearest kinsmen, embraced opposite sides, and prepared to bury their private regards in factious hatred. After an engagement of some hours, animosity seemed to be wearied out, and both sides separated with equal loss. Five thousand men are said to have been found dead on the field of battle. It would be tedious and no way instructive to enter into marchings and counter-marchings of these undisciplined and ill-conducted armies; war was a new trade to the English, as they had not seen an hostile engagement in the island for near a century before. The queen came to reinforce the royal party; she had brought soldiers and ammunition from Holland, and immediately departed to furnish more. But the parliament who knew its own consequence and strength, was no way discouraged. Their demands seemed to increase in proportion to their losses; and as they were repressed in the field, they grew more haughty in the cabinet. Such. governors as gave up their fortresses to the king, were attainted of high treason. It was in vain for the king to send proposals after any success; this only raised their pride and their animosity. But though this desire in the king to make peace with his subjects was the highest encomium on his humanity, yet his long negociations, one of which he carried on at Oxford, were faulty as a warrior. He wasted that time in altercation and treaty, which he should have employed in vigorous exertions in the field. However, his first campaign, upon the whole, wore a favourable aspect. One victory followed after another; Cornwall was reduced to peace and obedience under the king; a victory was gained over the parliamentarians at Straton-hill, in Devonshire; another at Roundway-down, about two miles from the Devizes; and still a greater at Chalgrave-field. Bristol was besieged and taken, and Gloucester was invested; the battle of Newbury was favourable to the royal cause, and great hopes of success were formed from an army in the North, raised by the marquis o Newcastle. In this first campaign the two bravest and greatest men of their respective parties were killed: John Hampden, and Lucius Cary, lord Falkland. The first in a skirmish against prince Rupert, the other in the battle of Newbury, which followed shortly after. Hampden, whom we have seen in the beginning of these troubles refuse to pay the ship-money, gained, by his inflexible integrity, the esteem even of his enemies. To these he added affability in conversation,. temper, art, eloquence in debate, and penetration `in council. Falkland was still a greater loss, and a greater character.. He added to Hampden's severe principles, a politeness and elegance, but then beginning to be known in England. He had boldly withstood the king's pretensions, while he saw him making a bad use of his power; but when he perceived the design of the parliament, to overturn the religion and the constitution of his country, he stedfastly attached himself to the crown. From the beginning of the civil war, his natural cheerfulness and vivacity forsook him; he became melancholy, sad, pale, and negligent of his person, and seemed to wish for death. His usual cry among his friends, after a deep silence, and frequent sighs, was, "Peace! Peace!" He said upon the morning of the engagement, that he was weary of the times, and should leave them before night. He was shot by a musket-ball in the belly; and his body was next morning found among, a heap of slain. His writings, his elegance, his justice, and his courage, deserved such a death of glory; and they found it. The king, that, he might make preparations during the winter for the ensuing campaign, and to oppose the designs of the Westminster parliament, called one at Oxford; aud this was the first time that England saw two parliaments sitting at the same time. His house of peers, was pretty full; his house of commons consisted of about a hundred and forty, which amounted to not above half of the other house of commons. From this shadow of a parliament he |