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of ten guineas, might be induced to vote for one candidate rather than another; but if the court were making any encroachments upon the rights of the people, a proper fpirit would, without doubt, arife in the nation; and in fuch a case, I am perfuaded, that none, or very few, even of fuch electors, could be induced to vote for a court candidate; no, not for ten times the fum.

THERE may, Sir, be fome bribery and corruption in the nation; I am afraid there will always be fome; but it is no proof of it, that ftrangers are fometimes chofen; for a gentleman may have so much natural influence over a borough in his neighbourhood, as to be able to prevail with them to choose any perfon he pleases to recommend; and if upon fuch recommendation they choose one or two of his friends, who are perhaps ftrangers to them, it is not from thence to be inferred, that the two ftrangers were chosen their reprefentatives by the means of bribery and corruption.

To infinuate, Sir, that money may be iffued from the public treafury for bribing elections, is really fomething very extraordinary, efpecially in thofe gentlemen who know how many checks are upon every fhilling that can be issued from thence; and how regularly the money granted in one year for the public fervice of the nation, muft always be accounted for, the very next feffion, in this house, and likewife in the other, if they have a mind to call for any fuch account. And as to the gentlemen in offices, if they have any advantage over country gentlemen, in having fome-. thing else to depend on befides their own private fortunes, they have likewife many disadvantages: they are obliged to live at London with their families, by which they are put to a much greater expence, than gentlemen of equal fortunes, who live in the country: this lays them under a very great disadvantage,

disadvantage, with refpect to the fupporting their intereft in the country. The country gentlemen, by living among the electors, and purchafing the neceffaries for his family from them, keeps up an acquaintance and correfpondence with them, without putting himfelf to any extraordinary charge; whereas a gentleman who lives in London, has no other way of keeping up an acquaintance or correfpondence among his friends in the country, but by going down once or twice a year at a very extraordinary charge, and often without any other bufinefs; fo that we may conclude, a gentleman in office cannot, even in feven years, fave much for distributing in ready money at the time of an election; and I really believe, if the fact were narrowly inquired into, it would appear, that the gentlemen in office are as little guilty of bribing their electors with ready money, as any other fet of gentlemen in the kingdom.

THAT there are ferments often raifing among the people without any just cause, is what I am surprised to hear controverted, fince very late experience may convince us of the contrary. Do we not know what a ferment was raised in the nation, towards the latter end of the late Queen's reign? And, it is well known, what a fatal change in the affairs of this nation was introduced, or at leaft confirmed, by an election's coming on while the nation was in that ferment. Do not we know what a ferment was raised in the nation, foon after his late Majefty's acceffion? And if an election had then been allowed to come on, while the nation was in that ferment, it might perhaps have had as fatal effects as the former; but, thank God, this was wifely provided against by the very law which is now wanted to be repealed. As fuch ferments may hereafter often happen, I must think that frequent elections will always be dangerous; for K2

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which reason, as far as I can fee at prefent, I fhall, I believe, at all times, think it a very dangerous experiment to repeal the feptennial bill.

CHAP. XI.

LORD LYTTLETON's SPEECH ON THE REPEAL OF THE ACT CALLED THE JEW BILL, IN THE YEAR 1753.

MR. SPEAKER,

I SEE no occafion to enter at prefent into the merits of the

bill we past the last feffion for the naturalization of Jews; because I am convinced, that in the present temper of the nation, not a fingle foreign Jew will think it expedient to take any benefit of that act; and therefore, the repealing of it is giving up nothing. I affented to it last year in hopes it might induce fome wealthy Jews to come and fettle among us in that light I faw enough of utility in it, to make me incline rather to approve than diflike it; but, that any man alive could be zealous, either for or against it, I confefs I had no idea. What affects our religion, is indeed of the highest and most serious importance. God forbid we should be ever indifferent about that! but, I thought this had no more to do with religion than any turnpike act we past in that feffion; and after all the divinity that has been preached on the subject, I think so still.

RESOLUTION and steadinfs are excellent qualities; but, it is the application of them upon which their value depends. A wife government, Mr. Speaker, will know where to yield as well as where to refift; and, there is no furer mark of littlenefs of mind in an adminiftration, than obftinacy in

trifles.

trifles. Public wisdom on fome occafions must condefcend to give way to popular folly, especially in a free country, where the humour of the people must be confidered as attentively, as the humour of a king in an abfolute monarchy. Under both forms of government a prudent and honest ministry will indulge a small folly, and will refift a great one. Not to vouchfafe now and then a kind indulgence to the former, would discover an ignorance of human nature; not to refift the latter at all times, would be meanness and fervility.

SIR, I look on the bill we are at prefent debating, not as a facrifice made to popularity, (for it facrifices nothing) but as a prudent regard to fome confequences arifing from the nature of the clamour raised against the late act for naturalizing Jews, which feem to require a particular confideration..

Ir has been hitherto the rare and envied felicity of his Majefty's reign, that his fubjects have enjoyed fuch a settled tranquillity, fuch a freedom from angry religious difputes, as is not to be paralleled in any former times. The true Christian spirit of moderation, of charity, of universal benevolence, has prevailed in the people, has prevailed in the clergy of all ranks and degrees, inftead of those narrow principles, thofe bigotted prejudices, that furious, that implacable, that ignorant zeal, which had often done so much hurt both to the church and the state. But from the ill underflood, infignificant act of parliament you are now moved to repeal, occafion has been taken to deprive us of this ineftimable advantage. It is a pretence to disturb the peace the church, to infufe idle fears into the minds of the people, and make religion itself an engine of fedition. It behoves the piety, as well as the wifdom of parliament, to disappoint

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difappoint thofe endeavours. Sir, the very worst mischief that can be done to religion, is to pervert it to the purposes of faction. Heaven and Hell are not more diftant than the benevolent spirit of the gofpel, and the malignant fpirit of party. The most impious wars ever made, were those called holy wars. He who hates another man for not being a Chriftian, is himself not a Chriftian. Christianity, Sir, breathes love, and peace, and good-will to man. A temper conformable to the dictates of that holy religion has lately diftinguished this nation; and a glorious diftinction it was! But there is latent, at all times, in the mind of the vulgar, a fpark of enthusiasm; which, if blown by the breath. of a party, may, even when it feems quite extinguished, be fuddenly revived and raised to a flame. The act of laft feffion for naturalizing Jews, has, very unexpectedly, adminiftered fuel to feed that flame. To what a height it may rife, if it should continue much longer, one cannot easily tell; but, take away the fuel, and it will die of itself.

Ir is the misfortune of all the Roman Catholic countries, that there the church and the ftate, the civil power and the hierarchy, have feparate interefts; and are continually at variance one with the other. It is our happiness, that here they form but one fyftem. While this harmony lafts, whatever hurts the church,,hurts the ftate; whatever weakens. the credit of the governors of the church, takes away from the civil power a part of its strength, and shakes the whole conftitution.

SIR, I trust and believe, that, by speedily paffing this bill, we fhall filence that obloquy, which has fo unjustly been caft upon our reverend prelates (fome of the most respectable that ever adorned our church) for the part they took in the act which this repeals. And it greatly concerns the whole

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