Commerce and Industry, to the effect that a factory act harmonising the interests of the employer and employee, as well as adapted to the present condition of the country, be speedily enacted, in order to avoid. the degradation and decrease of factory labourers, and to get rid of social questions before they become too large and deep rooted. That such legislation was necessary not only for the labourers themselves, but for the employers, because by raising the standard and efficiency of labour nothing will be lost, was repeatedly urged by supporters of the motion. But members of the council, except a very few, were almost deaf to such an argument, some criticising it as socialistic or grandmother-like. The most popular plea of the opposition was that if we bind ourselves by a factory act, our competition with European countries and even with India will become more unfavourable, and this argument prevailed with the association, the motion being not resolved till the close of the meeting. However, the grievous state of things becoming known more and more, in the next year when the council met in October, the tone of the members underwent a great change, though greatly due to the change of members, and the Government placing more importance upon labour questions. The draft bill containing the following points was presented to the council. 1. A law applicable to factories employing more than fifty hands, be enacted. 2. The construction, modification, extension of factory establishments as well as boilers must be inspected by proper authorities. 3. Due attention must be paid to safety, sanitation and moral considerations. 4. Those under ten years must not absolutely be employed. Those under fourteen must not be employed for more than ten hours per day, and must be duly educated at the expense of the employer. 5. At least two days rest every month, and one hour rest per day must be given. Three national holidays must be observed. 6. In case of bodily injury during work, the expense of curing must be borne by the employer, and during inability to work, the labourer must be sustained by the employer. In case of disability or death, necessary support and relief of the surviving family must be afforded. If by oppression or otherwise, health or safety be endangered, the employee can make void the contract of service. So can the employer in case of disorder or misconduct of the employee. 7. Regulations relating to the employment of labour must be authorised by competent officials. 8. Employers must register the names of employees, and in case they deem it necessary, they can give out certificates to employees, without which the latter cannot be hired by masters of the same trade. 9. Regulations for apprenticeship will be officially authorised. 10. The Minister of Agriculture and Industry is vested with a right to restrict the employment of women, or those under fourteen, if he thinks it injurious to their health or morals. 11. The factory inspector can visit factories. He can also give directions, and act as an arbiter of quarrels arising between the employer and the employed. 12. Penalties will be inflicted on those who give false declarations or overlook the directions of the law, as well as on those who employ labourers in others' service or who take part in such a transaction. There ensued an enervated and prolonged debate on this bill, supporters urging its necessity on far-sighted economic and social grounds while opponents defied it chiefly from a narrow capitalist's point of view. At last a select committee was appointed, at whose hands the bill underwent a great change. On their reporting to the council, another discussion followed, and was passed, however, with a small majority. Chambers of commerce throughout the country tendered their views on the subject, and were much divided, the majority condemning the bill as futile, too early, or needing fundamental modifications. It seems to have been the intention of the former Government to present the bill to Parliament. But with the change of Ministry the hope is faint. Thus the labour question is again left unsolved, and will be so for some time. Next to the pressing question of the land is the reform in the subdivision of rice fields. At present, each parcel of land is very small, being 1.30 tan1 on the average. This is the result of the land being in possession of many small owners, and large areas being not convenient for watering the whole surface evenly, letting, &c. However, the subdivision is too great, and the portion of land occupied by partition dykes, which is 2.1 shaku wide on the average, is so much waste. Nor is this all, the small extent makes it impossible to allow the use of even a horse or cow plough, causing also considerable waste of time to cultivators in going to and fro to scattered pieces of land; sometimes they having to travel miles before they reach their fields. Therefore if lands owned by different hands could be concentrated by mutual interchange, making the division larger or more regular, doing away with unnecessary partition dykes, so much may be saved in time and extent. This was actually experimented in the prefecture of Ishikawa, which proved greatly beneficial, increasing arable area by 7·79 per cent., viz., 2,330 cho, the price of land by 897,300 yen, and land tax by 22,430 yen. Taking this as the standard, and supposing only 35 per cent. of the whole arable land could be remodelled, increasing the arable area by 5 per cent., this will give the following calculation for the whole country. It is evident then by such reforms many advantages will be reaped by owners of land, the State and the community at large. But in 1 One tan is equal to 2.45 square chains, being a tenth part of one cho, and one shaku is about a foot. 2 The price of land greatly rose and in many cases it is more than trebled. order to carry out such a scheme some amount of legislative guidance is necessary, although by far the greater portion must be left to the free will and mutual understandings of individual owners. A bill was presented to the Highest Council of Agriculture, Commerce and Industry, which affirmed it with a very slight amendment. Most likely the bill may be brought forward to the Diet, which no doubt will agree to it. In order to carry out the scheme into practice, the Credit Agricole will have much to do, because one of the reasons it was established was to give aid to such useful works. However, as is the case everywhere, the agricultural class is the most conservative, therefore it will take time before the scheme is extensively adopted. Yet it is merely a question of time. At the same time, the gradual decay of the yeomanry, and the decrease of peasant proprietors caused by something like industrial revolution and the general advance of time. must be lamented. More attraction of population towards industrial and commercial centres, and steady increase of the burden on land are causing fast the amalgamation of ownership of land and the increase of tenants. Thus, we are inevitably falling into the same pitfall into which England fell, and some day we may have to hear the necessity of a Land Allotment Act or "three acres and a cow." V. TREATY REVISION, AND CONCLUDING REMARKS. The longed-for question of treaty revision was brought to solution by the kind initiation of England. Her agreeing first of all other nations to our proposal is gratefully remembered by the country at large, and will never be forgotten. She is not only the first power which acknowledged our just claim, but the treaty with Great Britain is most fair and beneficial to both contracting parties. The treaty with Germany for instance is not so favourable, and the delay in the ratification of the revised treaty with France and Austria, the two last powers agreed to us, could not fail to be a subject of anxiety throughout the country. But it is a matter of congratulation that the new tariff came into force after all with the 1st of January, 1899, the new treaty becoming operative in July and August of the same year. Japan will then be for the first time admitted into the comity of civilised nations in the true sense of the term. Thus her zeal to improve administration, reform laws and reorganise political institutions attained their aim. Especially the new tariff gives her the power of tariff autonomy, except on goods fixed by convention. Formerly everything was on a five per cent. rate, regardless of specific or ad valorem duties. Even ever-increasing alcohol, which is injuring the health of the people, and damaging to the Treasury by taking the place of sake, the national drink, and the chief source of revenue, was to be contented with a per cent. rate. Nor was this all. Ad valorem duties on imports were calculated on the "original value," viz., the price not including freight insurance, packages and any other charges whatsoever, while these were included in case of the exported goods. Hence the loss inflicted on the national Treasury during upwards of three decades is something considerable. These anomalies were got rid of in the new tariff, and due increase of duties is discernible in many goods. This however does not prove that the national policy is for protection, because the fact that even under the 5 per cent. duties the country made a great industrial progress, has taught the nation that shortsighted protection is not conducive to national welfare. On the contrary the automatic tariffs on raw materials, daily necessities and things useful to science and industry, if not made free, are fixed much lower than those on luxuries, and, except on alcohols and the like, they are never above 40 per cent. However, some increase of revenue will be made from customs' duties because they were unreasonably low before. This caused importers to hasten the arrival of goods before the coming into force of the new tariff, and is one of the reasons why the bulk of importation made lately such an enormous increase, especially towards the end of 1898. As a consequence of this, in the following year the increase of imports from this cause may not take place, and with the gradual fall of prices, coupled with the return of the normal condition of economics, the excess of imports will be retarded, while the exports will make some increase with the productive employments of capital in the past years, as well as in the present encouraged by lower rate of interest, tell their effect. As for the economy of the State, with skilful management the temporary difficulty can easily be passed over. If for productive purposes expenditure must be increased. the State has nothing to fear, as there is left a large margin in the taxable capacity of the nation. If also more debt must be incurred with the disappearance of the dearth of money there will be found room enough to raise it at home. Granting that the country cannot escape the want of capital for a time, as is usual with a new and advancing nation, with such a hopeful future before her, Japan may not fail to find creditors, whose interest it is to invest in her rather than in other unsettled and unreliable countries. Moreover as the commercial as well as the diplomatic centre is now removed to the Far East, those who join hands with Japan economically and diplomatically will have to congratulate their wisdom and foresight. Much is still left to discuss about China if space allowed. But the author is afraid that he has kept readers too long and will hasten to conclude. China is the only field left for any great future extension of the world's trade. Her integrity and order must be secured at any cost by the joint action of leading commercial nations such as England, Japan and the United States of America. If, on the contrary, the open-door policy be imperilled by militant powers, commerce and industry will have to suffer first of all, as the consequence of endless disorder, protective tariffs, and obstacles put to communication for military purpose. It is therefore not only the common interest of trading nations, but the bounden duty of civilised countries whose chief aspiration must be peace, prosperity and progress, to save China from disorder or dismemberment. If union is the source of power in diplomacy, why not in economics? As it is desirable—rather necessary--that the two insular empires act in one in the Far Eastern politics, so it must be hoped that their economical relations, especially by the increase of investment of English capital in Japan, will become closer and firmer, in order to enable them to fight victoriously for the cause of commerce and as defenders of civilisation. J. SOYEDA, Correspondent for Japan of the British Economic RECENT OFFICIAL PAPERS. Wages and Hours of Labour. Board of Trade (Labour Department). 1898. [C. 9434.] THIS sixth annual report shows a net rise of wages of £95,000 per week for 1898 experienced by about a million workpeople. The weekly increase per head if spread over the total number employed was 21. It appears that a very small number of important changes form the main factor in the result. The changes in the number of hours worked were insignificant. The preliminary figures for 1899 show even greater progress. Abstract of Foreign Labour Statistics. Board of Trade (Labour Department). 1898-9. THIS first number of a series which is to be annual deals with wages, hours of labour, trade disputes, and co-operation in twelve foreign countries. |