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the perception of resemblance, conscious or reflective sympathy, affection and the desire for recognition.” This, which is declared to be “the simplest of all the states of mind that can be called social,” is boldly affirmed to be “ the cause of all the social activities and relations which men enter upon intelligently,”—the economic stimulus to communication being, as I remarked, curiously ignored. Accordingly we find that co-operation is the necessary consequence of the likemindedness and consciousness of kind which are its indispensable antecedents; and that “ all co-operation arises” from“ like-responsiveness to the same stimuli.”
After the chapters on “social pleasure ” and “ the social nature" a triple classification of “socii” js given (Chapter X). They are first divided according to degrees of vitality, distinguished as “high, medium, and low"; then into “personality classes," as “inventive, imitative, defective”; then into “social classes," as "social, non-social, pseudosocial, and anti-social—i.e. judicious philanthropists, average men,” “congenital and habitual paupers” and “criminals.” I cannot see that this classification is likely to be of much use, and am again struck with the deliberate ignoring of leading economic differences as secondary. Moreover, Mr. Giddings' view of the “pre-eminent social class,” given in the next chapter, seems to involve the false assumption that the individuals who have benefited mankind by invention or otherwise have always had their social sympathies strongly developed.
The four chapters that follow on the social mind are occupied in distinguishing different modes of like-mindedness: viz. (1) “Sympathetic like-mindedness," which results in impulsive social action : (2) “ formal or conventional likeness of mind and character, which is the effect of memory and habit,” and is manifested in popular acceptance of traditional beliefs as such : and (3) the “rational like-mindedness” that results from reflection, discussion and the creation of public opinion. The distinctions are useful, but as worked out here they have an unreal sharpness and definiteness. To contrast belief as a “ form of emotion” with knowledge is fantastic psychology: and if “ true public opinion” is held to be entirely the “ product of critical thinking," it is surely only to be found, as Aristotle would have said, “among the gods."
In Chapters XVI to XIX the author passes to examine the “ habitual relations of the members of a society to one another," and the “ persistent forms of co-operative activity" which are “collectively called the social organisation.” Of this the two chief forms or plans are distinguished as Social Composition and Social Constitution. The “component” groups—"counties, townships, cities, villages, families,"-are distinguished by the capacity of each group to have an independent life and perpetuate human society if left to itself, from the “constituent groups " such as “political parties, churches, philanthropic and scientific societies.” This classification, with the further statement that “component societies” do not aid each other by division of labour, seems to ignore the mutual economic dependence of (e.g.) urban and rural districts: nor is it easy to see why a church should be said to lack the capacity of independent self-perpetuation which a city is supposed to possess. It is also surprising to find the State included among constituent societies, which are said to be “always artificial and purposive in origin.” I note, however, that Mr. Giddings recognises the gradual evolution of constituent out of component societies—e.g. of the household as a “purposive group out of the family” as a "genetic aggregation.” And generally speaking, these chapters contain much that is suggestive and useful, together with not a few startlingly rash generalisations.
So far the social relations analysed have been mainly those of modern civilised man ;—though with some rather capricious digressions into history, calculated somewhat to confuse the reader as to the stage in social development to which the various “ laws ” laid down are supposed to relate. But in the concluding portion of the book (Chapters XX to XXIV) Mr. Giddings undertakes to trace the evolution of human society, from “zoogenic" through “anthropogenic" association up to the stage of formation of tribes, and then through the successive stages of tribal society and civilised progress. And here for the first time the reader realises what a sociologist can do in the way of confident statement and bold generalisation. He is told exactly how from “ endogamic metronymic hordes" totemic clans and exogamous metronymic tribes were formed; how through wife-capture and the motives supplied by pastoral industry the tribe became patronymic, adopted ancestor-worship, and ultimately established a rude kind of feudalism and the beginnings of a social organisation independent of kinship. Then, he learns, the patronymic tribal confederacies are impelled, through conquest of alien peoples, into “an active development of the political phases of the social mind : sovereignty is revealed in its true character as the supreme expression of social will,” and “reacts vigorously upon the whole organisation of society, converting kingship and priesthood, confederacy, tribe, clan and family into positive institutions.” If the conquered territory is relatively wide in extent the previous semi-feudal organisation develops into territorial feudalism: “clear pictures" of this in a rude form are presented in the Book of Judges and in the Odyssey. Under this feudalism the local agricultural group is a village community of servile cultivators; but towns begin to grow up and the development of industry and trade weakens the tribal bonds already impaired by feudalism. It becomes evident that some other than the gentile basis must be found for the organisation of the State. In the history of Athens the successful plan finally hit upon for doing this, “ associated with the name of Cleisthenes," is described with the following bold simplification :
“ Clans and tribes had long been localised . ... the State simply decreed that all men who lived within the boundaries of any local subdivision of a tribal domain should be enrolled as members of the local
community which dwelt there: that all who dwelt within the domain of any tribe should be enrolled as members of that tribe.”
“ Animated by its enlarged ideas of ethnic and territorial unity," the State now “enters upon the realisation of a positive policy." The “ essential spirit of civilisation is disclosed,” which is “nothing more or less than a passion for homogenity.” This spirit “ begins to work itself out through various means, the first of which is a career of aggression and conquest, to bring into the enlarging State all those outlying populations that are believed to be suitable components of the larger nation.” When this is accomplished, the passion for homogenity manifests itself in a policy of “religious unification” and “sumptuary administration,” which “results in the creation of a homogeneous population." But we also learn that “when through successful military operations, all formidable enemies have been subjugated, and all outlying territories have been annexed,” a “liberation of energy" occurs through which the State tends to pass from the “military-religious civilisation " just described, to the “ second stage in civic evolution,” a “ liberal-legal civilisation.” For, “ with no more worlds to conquer," hundreds of thousands of men perforce turn to other than military occupations. Accordingly, “at this point in the evolution of empires, it has always l happened that great internal changes have begun. Liberated thought and energy have turned themselves upon domestic affairs. They have scrutinised institutions and laws. They have rebelled against a further coercion of the individual. ... The material for the criticism of institutions has been abundant" through the comparisons afforded by “contact with other nations in military expeditions and the annexation of State after State to the growing empire.” The result is that a critical spirit arises : “protestantism, in the large sense of the word, begins to be influential, and the now fully self-conscious community” faces the “ task of achieving a social organisation that shall maintain unity and stability and guarantee liberty. With the aids of the guiding ideas of jus gentium and jus naturæ, “ a legal constitution of society is seen to be possible”: the “demand becomes insistent that governments shall cease to exercise arbitrary powers": and, through rebellions and revolutions, “if events take their natural course, the normal outcome is everywhere the same. Charters and guarantees are wrested from kings whose divine right has ceased to inspire fear,” and “ freedom of contract is established as the legal basis of the minor relations of life." .
If the reader should ask for the data from which this normal process is generalised, I fear that the lines of “parallel study,” which the author has usefully indicated at the end of each chapter, may not altogether satisfy him. But from this point of view he should note that “ many nations that have entered upon ”the liberal-legal“ stage of civic evolution have been unable to complete it," and that of these nations Greece was the first,--for though Athens was splendidly
1 The italics are mine.
critical and philosophical, she “ failed in legal construction." And he may be interested to learn that the failure was due “to the neverending necessity of maintaining a highly efficient military organisation -with its inevitable incidents of arbitrary power-in the face of formidable enemies."
I have not space to describe the final transition from the “ liberallegal” stage to the third, economic-ethical or democratic stage of civic evolution : nor to discuss the attempt in the concluding chapter to connect the theory of society here laid down with a wider view of cosmic phenomena. But I have, I hope, given the reader some means of judging how far it is desirable to substitute the study of Sociology, as made easy by Professor Giddings, for the whole or part of the older and narrower study of Political Economy.
Deutsche Wirtschaftsgeschichte. Von Dr. KARL THEODOR VON
INAMA-STERNEGG, Sektionschef u. Präsident der k.k. statistischen Central-Kommission, &c., &c. Dritter Band : Deutsche Wirtschaftsgeschichte in den letzten Jahrhunderten des Mittelalters. Erster Theil. (Leipzig : Duncker u. Humblot. 1899. Pp. xiii., 455.)
In spite of the pressure of his official duties as President of the Austrian Statistical Commission, Dr. von Inama-Sternegg has con. tinued to work indefatigably at his German Economic History; and now, some twenty years, if I remember aright, since the first volume appeared, he presents us with the welcome gift of the first half of the third and concluding volume. He adds the cheering news that he expects to finish the second part, dealing with industry, trade and currency, in a year's time. The treatise when completed will be an honour to German scholarship, and invaluable to the student of economic history in every country.
The present instalment, besides a somewhat miscellaneous appendix of statistical tables, falls into four substantial sections. The first and briefest (pp. 1-35) contains a masterly survey of the German economic area and of its population. It traces the movement of colonisation in the south and north, and the immigration into neighbouring foreign lands; and then it brings together the accessible information about the density of population in the several districts, and the nature and extent of the migration townwards. The second section (pp. 36-137) shows how a system of estates or classes (Stände), resting on economic foundations, gradually superseded the old gradations based on legal status; and how each of the main classes, such as the peasants or the townsmen, itself exhibited a complicated economic stratification. Dr. von Inama, perhaps significantly, omits the nobles from his series of Berufsstände. It might have added to the interest of his story if he had pointed out how large a part status continued to play in Germany down to a very recent date ; and if, following the example of Nitzsch, he had emphasised the contrast between the commercial south and west and the Junkerthum of the north and east. The third section (pp. 138-262) deals with the distribution and management of property in land: the fortunes of the imperial domain, the domains of the territorial princes, the size of the ecclesiastical, baronial, and knightly properties, the relative magnitude of manorial demesne and land in villenage, the various categories of peasants, the break-up of the old unit of peasant holding, and a dozen other similar topics. And, finally, the fourth and longest section (pp. 263-422), under the title “The Produce of the Soil and its Distribution,” describes the various parts of the rural economy, the agricultural methods employed, the crops raised, and the payments in labour, kind and money made by the peasants to their lords.
While Dr. von Inama has drawn his material mainly from the original sources, he is evidently familiar with the recent literature of his subject, and it would be difficult to speak too highly of the range of learning which this volume, like its predecessors, undoubtedly displays. Charm of style is so dangerous a gift—as the writings of Dr. Lamprecht have reminded us of late years—that we should be unwise to grumble at the methodically encyclopædic manner in which Dr. von Inama takes up and dismisses each of his topics. The volume might almost be cut up into a series of articles for the great Handwörterbuch. But we may, I think, feel a little disappointed at the way in which our author not infrequently repeats the commonplaces of recent German writers, without referring us to any very definite evidence, and sometimes using such vague language that it is hard to be sure precisely what he means. Thus, the whole question of the alleged deterioration of the peasant's lot in the fifteenth century, to which he more than once refers, needs in my opinion a much more thorough and concrete handling than it has yet received.
One interesting peculiarity of Dr. von Inama's work is the stress laid upon the economic services of the government and of the landlord class (e.g., pp. 120, 121, 273). He does not always, perhaps, prove his point; but economic history has so often been written with an antigovernmental or anti-aristocratic bias that the change is refreshing.
W. J. ASHLEY
The Development of English Thought: a Study in the Economic
Interpretation of History. By Simon N. PATTEN, Ph.D.,
This is a strange production; yet it will not seem so singular if one knows anything of the characteristics of recent American thought. Nothing is more remarkable than the number of books which have appeared of late years in the United States with this feature in No. 35.–VOL. IX.