Europe; and so do I too; for I" different modifications of gohold to the doctrine, or, rather"vernment, which ought to exist to the precept of Jesus Christ," in other countries." This is and think that we ought to take very true, but the discovery the beam out of our own eye, comes rather late, seeing that we before we attempt to take the have spent eight hundred millions mote from the eye of our brothers. of money in Wars to enable us to When we have no longer Rotten do that, which the gentleman Boroughs and Barracks, then it now declares, we have no right may be proper for us to set our-to do. selves up as Preachers to the Con- He says that before we attempt tinent of Europe. But, we are to interfere, in this way, we full as fit for the office of regene- should think of the probable cost rators of Europe, as we were of such interference! Happy for that of Deliverers of Europe. thought! Wise remark! We If it became us to exhaust our- should think, he says, of the selves in efforts to compel the peo-real interests of the country, and ple of Europe to submit to rulers how they may be affected by such that they hated, I do not see why Wars of interference. Just and it should not become us to turn excellent principle! But, then, regenerators and to assist in free-how unjust, how bad, how ing the people from the trammels wicked, how detestable was the which we have helped to draw round their limbs.

conduct of those who began and carried on the Wars, which have loaded the country with ruinous Debts, and the objects of which were said to be attained when we had restored the Bourbons, the Pope and the hellish Inquisition!

"Let the Neapolitans," says he, "have their own will." So say I; and so say the people of England; but so said not he and PITT in the case of the French; and BURKE, the pension-seeking This discovery comes too late; and, BURKE, who was the trumpeter it comes, too, under very susof that War, abused the French picious circumstances. Comparin the most blackguard language, because they had not copied the British Constitution. Mr. CANNING has now discovered, "that "it is not for us to point out the hostile to the cause, which the

ing the former conduct with the present professions, it is impossible not to believe, that the professions arise out of a feeling

No principle is clearer than this; and in no case, that ever

far greater part of us wish to combine their efforts to seize the succeed. However, be this as robber and the murderer; so must it may, there is a great difference, nations combine to protect each indeed, between interference in other alternately in case of need the internal concerns of an inde-against acts of tyranny, perpependant Nation; there is a great trated by a force too great for difference between this and an any one singly to resist. interference to prevent the overrunning of one Nation by, another. This is not only good occurred before in the world, was ground of interference; but it is the duty of interference more good ground of war; and, per-manifest than is the duty of Enghaps, there cannot be a better land at this moment, in the case ground of war, excepting only of Naples. Austria; deadly that of a Nation preventing itself Austria, does not march in purfrom being over-run. The first suance of any object that is even duty of every Nation is to pro- pretended to he legitimate. No vide for its own independence and hostile act has been committed by security; and, as far as at present Naples; no affront has been ofoccurs to me, its next duty is to fered to deadly Austria; not the prevent other Nations from hav-smallest slight is pretended to have ing their independence destroyed been put upon her; she has no by acts of wanton, aggression on wrong of which to complain; the part of Nations more power-there is no species of offence for ful than themselves. the punishment or the resenting of which she has the smallest offence. She marches her brutal

All Nations have a clear right to interfere in this way; and the reason upon which the right is bands for the purpose of scourgfounded is this, that, if a powerfuling a people merely because she Nation be suffered to invade or fancies that some distant possible to oppress a weaker Nation with danger with regard to herself may impunity; if there be no check be found in the manner in which given to this bent and progress of that unoffending people have power, it is in human nature that chosen to fix upon for the conthe weak must all, in time, be ducting of their own internal subjugated by the strong. As affairs. men in çivil Society laudably

Granted, that England is to

judge for herself; that she is to other night, that this gentleman weigh well her means of render- wished to see demagogues even in

the House of Commons! It is only the other night, that he de

ing assistance to Naples; that she is not to be expected to endanger her own safety by the rendering scribed the feeling of the country of such assistance. But, all things to be that of "absolute resignaconsidered; the chances being" tion to the wisdom of Parliathat the suffering of Naples to be "ment." And now, he has got sacrificed will bring the Russian us, or, rather, has got himself and into the Mediterranean; the right the Honourable House, riding on and the duty of England being a stormy and tempestous wave so clear; it being so notorious and seated upon a short and narthat the appearance of a British row Plank ; a situation that I fleet in the Mediterranean, sent for really could wish to see nobody the protection of Naples, would in; no, not even (when I recolhave prevented the deadly Aus-lect [what tempestous waves trian from marching. All this are) the punning Orator himself; being considered, what deep ais- though I must confess that there grace is it that England has not is one sanctified and gaping inmoved this occasion! And dividual that I should not be sorry to see seated on such Plank, without sail or land above the horizon.

upon

what is the excuse? Why, truly, that we are in danger ourselves Ah! In danger of what? Are Supposing this figure of the we in danger of the Austrian or Plank to represent the situation the Russian? Instead of stating of England, to what a pass has the danger manfully and plainly, England been brought? If this this big talking and flippant Gen-be her situation, to what purpose tleman; this Statesman of puns, has she fought and bled? And alliterations and epigrams, resorts what impudent men are those to a metaphor, and tells us, that who pretend that she has been "the plank upon which we have under the guidance of wise mi"to cross the stormy and tempes-nisters and a wise Legislature? If ̈“tuous wave is short and narrow, this be the situation of England, "and that attempts may be made how could Jacobins or Radicals "to bear us down, to the right have made it worse? How could "and to the left." What does it have been made worse by any all this mean? It was only the degree of wickedness or of folly.

If the metaphor had been laid it does offer an argument peraside, as it would have been, upon fectly irresistible in support of the conduct of the Ministers in not attempting to interfere in behalf of Naples. But, then, is it not also an argument for an immediate attempt, at least, to change the internal situation of

such an occasion, by any but a shewy and a shallow man, the plain statement would have been this: that this nation is itself in a very ticklish state; that the people's distresses are great, and that their discontent is correspon- the country; to remove the cause dent in magnitude; that war at of the distress; to remove the this time, would shake the pa-ground of the discontent; to saper-money system to its founda- tisfy the desires of the Reformers; tion; and that the Reformers, or, at the least, so to act with who have been often quelled, regard to them as to convince but never subdued, might avail them, that, if their prayers be themselves of the difficulties in rejected; it is only because the which war would plunge the Aris-granting of them would tend to tocracy and the Government, and the injury of their country and of compel them to yield to what themselves? they have hitherto refused; not

Has any attempt of this sort to mention that some part of been made? What measure of these Reformers would be likely relief or of redress has been proto feel disposed to seek vengeance on those whom they regard as their cruel persecutors.

posed? When has there been a step towards conciliation taken? If indeed every thing were done Now, would not this have been that could be done, there might better, upon an occasion like be some reason to expect a restothis, than a mere trumpery meta-ration to general harmony and phor about a Plank and a Storm good will. and a Wave? Common sense will answer the question in the affirmative; and, I have no hesitation' in saying that such a state- the right of Election was to be ment could, with truth, have transferred from a corrupt Bobeen challenged by no man; for it is a fair, though a brief picture of the state of the country; and

But what do the complainants hear of that can tend to tranquillize their minds, and to inspire them with hope? When

rough to a populous City, care was taken to tell the mass of the people that they should gain no

thing by the transfer; and to lay (which its strength restored, its down the principle, that property feebleness will enable truth and

and property only should be considered as conferring the right, while it is personal labour that pays three fourths of the taxes, and while it is the person of the labourer himself, which is to come forth in case of need to shed blood, and to risk life in defence of property.

virtue again to overthrow; and that which its strength prevented, its feebleness will cause to take place.

I have never been in much fear for the success of the Reformers upon the Continent; because, unassisted by our paper money, their enemies can do nothing for How, with this line of conduct any length of time. The strife pursued by the rulers, are they to is too unequal to be of long dura expect to be on any but a stormy |tion, and despotism must at last and tempestuous wave, and to give way. My only anxiety," have any thing better for their which is as it ought to be, very security than a short and narrow great, is, and always has been, to plank? Austria, deadly and cun- see the nation united, cordially ning Austria, is well aware of all united by measures of conciliathis; and she knows, besides, tion, that shall again make the what are the crippling and be- labourer have a friendly feeling numbing effects of public debts towards the nobleman. This is and of paper money; paper mo-to be brought about, I am perney, which, as PAINE long ago fectly satisfied, by no means other observed," is strength at the than that of a radical reform of

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which is complained of by the Reformers, another sun should not set before I would cease to be a person to be complained of on that score.

commencement, and feebleness the Commons House of Parlia-"at the end." France had to ment; and if I were a peer, posendure the effects of the strength sessed of that species of influence of our paper money; and we have to endure the effects of its feebleness. Had it not been for the paper money, we never should have seen the Bourbons, the Pope and the Inquisition restored. The Lords and Gentlemen are Had it not been for paper mo- the possessors of the Soil; the ney, reform at home would have unenvied possessors, too, but in taken place long ago. That the present state of England, they