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Medical Inspection of Schools, by

Dr. Luther H. Gulick and L. P.



They Must, by Pastor H. Kutter.. 717

The Origin of the British Colonial

System, by Geo. Louis Beer.... 718

The Spy, by Maxim Gorky.


The Money Changers, by Upton

Sinclair ..


Socialism in Theory and Practice,

by Morris Hillquit.


The Open Shop, by. Clarence S.



The Republic of Plato, by Prof.

Alexander Kerr


Fight for Your Life, by Ben Han-



Civics and Health, by Dr. William

H. Allen


Vital Problems in Social Evolu-

tion, by A. M. Lewis.


Socialism, Its Growth and Out-

come, by William Morris and E.

Belfort Bax


The Bomb, by Frank Harris. 1009

The Churches and the Wage Earn-

ers, by C. Bertrand Thompson.1009

Comrade Kropotkin, by Victor



The Problem of Parliament, by

Victor Grayson and G. R. S.



Leaders of Socialism, by G. R. S.

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The International Socialist Review





Contributions from both European and American writers are solicited, and while editorially the Review stands for the principles of Marxian Socialism and the tactics of the Socialist Party of America, it offers a free forum for writers of all shades of thought. The editor reserves the right to criticise the views of contributors, but the absence of criticism is not necessarily to be taken as an endorsement.

The Review is copyrighted for the benefit of authors who may wish subsequently to use their articles in book form. Editors of newspapers are welcome to reprint with proper credit any article or paragraph in this issue of the Review, with the single exception of "The Economic Aspects of the Negro Problem".

The subscription price of the Review is $1.00 a year, payable in advance, postage included to any address in the Universal Postal Union. Advertising rate 15 cents per line, $20.00 per page, no discount for time or space. Address all communications to CHARLES H. KERR & COMPANY, 153 East Kinzie Street, Chicago, U. S. A.


of The

Socialist Movement

The completest and most reliable history of the Socialist movement of the world is found in the bound volumes of the International Socialist Review. There are eight of these. The first two are so scarce that the price has been put up to $5.00 a volume, with no discount to any one, Volumes III, IV, V, VI, VII and VII will be sold for a short time longer at $2.00 a volume with our usual discount to stockholders; in other words stockholders can buy these volumes at $1.00 a volume if they pay the expressage; $1.20 if we pay it.

We have also a few slightly damaged copies of volumes III, VI and VII in cloth binding which we will supply while they last to any stockholder at 70s. by mail or 50c. by express.

If you are not already a stockholder, you can become one by paying a dollar a month for ten months, and you will get the discount on books as soon as you have made your first payment.


153 East Kinzie Street, Chicago.

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Vol. IX

JULY, 1908

No. 1

The Labor Movement and Socialism.

HE relation of labor unions to the Socialist

movement is in many countries the subject of sharp differences of opinion, even of bitter strife. The situation is by no means everywhere the same. In England, for example, after the break-up of the Chartist political movement in 1848 the union movenient in

creased greatly and became a mighty organization of the masses of the workingmen. But this great body of workers remained indifferent to Socialism, or even inimical to it, and the Socialist party remained a small sect. In America the labor movement developed according to the English pattern. In Germany and Belgium, on the contrary, the situation is exactly reversed. There the Socialist party grew mightily in the first place; then the workers, who had learned how to conduct the fight on the political field, began the struggle for better conditions against individual employers. On this account the unions remained in these countries closely connected with the Socialist party ; in Belgium, in fact, they are an organic part of the Socialist movement. Here they are, however, comparatively weak, and it is to be expected that as they increase in strength they will make themselves more independent.

This division is imposed by the different objects of the political and labor union struggles. The Socialist party holds to a great and far-reaching purpose; a purpose not immediately understood by everyone; a purpose which, in fact, is often misunderstood and therefore has to meet opposition, prejudice and hatred which can be overcome only through extended educational propaganda. The objective of the unions, on the other hand, is an immediate one, the securing of higher wages and shorter hours. This is instantly intelligible to everyone; does not demand deep convictions, but appeals rather to immediate interest. On this account quite undeveloped workers must not be hindered from joining the unions because of their prejudice against a world-overturning force like Socialism. As soon as the unions attempt to take in the great mass of the workers they must be absolutely independent. Of course a friendly relation to the Socialist party can still be maintained.


This is the situation in Germany. The unions are independent organizations; they are "neutral," i. e., they ask no questions as to the religious or political opinions of their members. They remain, however, constantly in friendly touch with the Socialist party, even if now and then a little friction does occur. “Party and union are one,” is the oft quoted expression of a prominent union leader; this is taken for granted because of the fact that the party members and the great body of union adherents are the same persons, the same workingmen.

The need of having unions to improve the immediate situation of the workers and the advantages which grow out of these need not be examined. But the goal of the working class is the complete extermination of capitalism. Have the unions any part in this struggle for the complete liberation of the proletariat? Before this question can be answered we must make a closer investigation into the general conditions of the struggle for the freedom of the workers.


Why does the great body of workingmen still permit itself to be ruled and exploited by the capitalists? Why are they not in a position to drive the minority of exploiters from power? Because they are an unorganized, undisciplined, individualistic and ignorant mass. The majority is impotent because it consists of a divided crowd of individuals each one of whom wishes to act according to his own impulse, regard his own interests, and in addition has no understanding of our social system. It lacks organization and knowledge. The minority, the ruling class, on the contrary, is strong because it possesses both organization and knowledge. Not only does it have in its service scholars and men of learning; it controls also a strong organization, the state administration. The army of officials, government underlings, law-givers, judges, representatives, politicians and soldiers works like a gigantic machine which instantly suppresses any attack on the existing order; a machine against which every individual is

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