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of international importance. Already it has inspired the comrades in England to lay renewed stress on the strike as the chief weapon of the proletariat. If the old unionism has failed the new gives promise of brilliant success.

ENGLAND. As Others See Us. Some months ago came the announcement of the Anti-Socialist Union. Among the members of the new organization were clergymen, college professors, M. P.'s and a liberal sprinkling of dukes and earls. The purpose of these high-minded gentlemen is to train speakers and furnish literature for a campaign against their common enemy. “Behold,” they said to the world, “these pestiferous socialists do speak and write and wax mighty every day. And we, out of pure negligence, have overlooked the duty of crushing them.”

Well, this new unjon has now begun to put in its work, and we have had time to size up our new opponent. On Feb. 1, appeared the initial number of the AntiSocialist, and since then copies of the March and April issues have had time to cross the water. In general, I should say, the stuff here set forth is better written, sounds more like reason, than Ex-President's Roosevelt's recent articles, but in their essential nature they are the same. All the familiar arguments are revamped-free love, statetyranny, the destruction of personal initiative, etc.

There is a curious inconsistency in the positions taken by the editors and contributors. In their declaration of principles they seem to take socialism with the utmost seriousness. The leading editorial of the first issue is solemn as a declaration of war.

After speaking of Socialist divisions and disagreements, the editor goes on: "All this would tend to show that Socialism in this country is on the point of breaking up; and undoubtedly the La

bor Party is in a difficult position. But a word of caution is necessary to restrain the optimists who are continually announcing the destruction of socialism, and are

as often confounded by its resurrection. We must not attach too much importance to Socialist quarrels. The socialists have been quarreling incessantly for twenty years, and the more they have quarreled, the more the movement has prospered. Socialism is one of those organisms which propagate themselves by fissure. The reason for this growth is not hard to find.

The power of the socialist movement does not depend on the strength of its parties. It is the outcome of great social forces. Thus the socialism which the Anti-Socialist aims to seek out, to combat and to destroy, is no mere extravagant creed held by a small section of peculiar people, but a system and a force which has penetrated national and municipal politics in every direction." In another paragraph appears this striking sentence: “The struggle of the near future will be between the pro-socialists and the antisocialists."

After reading this one turns with some curiosity to see how the antis are going to overcome the "great social forces." And I must confess to some surprise to find that their main weapon is undisguised blackguardism. In cartoons, stories and club-footed “poems,” the socialists are represented as a lot of fakirs playing a confidence game on the innocent workingmen. And the benevolent clergymen, dukes and earls try with rather patently assumed high-minded ness to play the part of disinterested good Samaritans.

Parliamentarianism in the Balance. Last month I mentioned the fact that after the Portsmouth conference there was a notable increase in the class-consciousness of the members of the Labor group in the House of Commons. Not ITALY. Election. Italian Socialism has just had another opportunity to take stock in its strength. The general election of deputies took place on March 7, and the second election about a week later. Of course our Italian comrades expected an increased vote. Since the first socialist was sent up to parliament in 1882, the number has steadily increased; in 1904 it reached 26. The increase in the number of voters has been even more striking, it grew from 27,000 in 1892 to 326,016 in 1904. It must be understood that in second elections all other parties unite against socialists. On this account the number of the socialist deputies is not a true index to the socialist strength. In 1904, for example, the socialists cast 21 per cent of the vote and elected 5 per cent of the deputies. But even under this disadvantage the Italian party has steadily increased its representation

only has this continued, but recent issues of the Clarion are filled with apologies and explanations evidently designed for discontented constituents.

In the issue for March 5, J. R. Clyne wrote on What Use Am I in Parliament. He confesses that the reforms achieved are small, but maintains that he and his colleagues have done their best. On March 12, James O'Grady explained that he is discontented with the government and that, in his opinion, much of the criticism directed at the Labor group has been “too carping.” On March 19, George J. Wardle showed in detail how parliamentary action has improved the condition of the railway men.

On the other hand the critics of Laborism are more and more losing faith in the present form of parliamentary action. Mr. H. Russell Smart, an I. L. pleader, proposes that parliamentary representatives be made constantly responsible to the party. He says, “The party should formulate its own policy which the M. P.'s should carry into effective action.” He proposes a standing committee to call to account the Laborites who "get the spirit of the House." In the meantime Comrade H. M. Hyndman tends more and more to pin his faith to industrial organization. In a recent number of Justice he instances the Paris strike as proof of the fact that under our present complex form of social organization even a small number of workers have in their hands a tremendous weapon. Just at the moment when parliamentarianism seems to be failing, when M. P.'s receive small favors with effusive thanks, a body of determined workers depending on industrial force rather than good manners get what they demand in a course of a very few days. Why not, he asks, depend on this sort of action as the mainspring of the revolution? He feels sure it would achieve more than "parliamentary pottering.”.

Hardly anyone, however, was prepared for the brilliant victory of last month. From 26 the number of deputies grew to 42. An especially striking feature of the returns is the showing made in rural districts and cities where our propaganda has hitherto made litle progress.

Certain other features of the election are not lacking in interest. All the groups of the extreme right and left were strengthened. On the left the Republicans now have 23 deputies instead of 18, the Radicals 44 instead of 31. The entire group at the right now controls 109 votes, whereas in the election of 1904 it secured possession of only 74. On the other hand the representation of the clericals increased from 7 to 24.

The meaning of all this is plain. The losses were sustained by the center, which supports the present ministry. Thus the fight between the socialists and the Roman church becomes clearer cut. This, of course, is a highly desirable state of affairs.

It is worth remembering, too, that the

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conflict between the socialists and the anarchistic labor unions was the real obstacle in the way of success at this election. But it was overcome, and the result shows that the proletariat is in a healthy state of development. Nowhere are the workers more steadily gravitating toward socialism than in Italy.

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HOLLAND. Marxists and Revisionists. The conflict of opinion in the Dutch Social Democratic party is more serious than most of us had supposed. It is true that the special convention which I mentioned last month made an attempt to keep the two wings of the movement together. A plan was perfected, it will be remembered, whereby Marxists are to carry on their propaganda through a supplement to the official party paper. This plan was doomed at the start to partial failure. It immediately aroused suspicion in the minds of those on the extreme left. They could see in it nothing but a plan to put them quietly to sleep. Others of the same group were willing to try the experiment, to remain within the party and do their utmost to bring the majority over to their opinion. So the Marxists themselves split on the question of tactics. Some four or five hundred left the Social Democrat party and founded a new organization, The outcome of it all depends on the policy of the Revisionist majority. If they press their advantage, they may drive the remaining Marxists into the new camp. On the other hand, if they allow free expression of opinion within the old party, they may win back the malcontents.

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LABOR

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MAX

S.

HA YES

Readers may have noticed in dispatch- This is certainly a remarkable admises from Washington that President Gom- sion coming from Gompers. It is only a pers and the executive council of the few years ago that Socialists who were American Federation of Labor recently delegates in A. F. of L. conventions, held a conference with President Taft, in predicating their views on the Debs case which the union officials endeavored to and other decisions and acts of the secure some expression favorable to the courts, and observing the centralization demands that are being made by labor of capital and consequent increase of organizations for remedial legislation, power of the employing class, voiced such as curbing the powers of the courts their alarm and appealed for political in issuing injunctions during strikes, action along working class lines to stem amending the Sherman anti-trust law to the tide of plutocratic encroachments. prevent unionists from being held liable What satisfaction did those few delefor damages for boycotting unfair con- gates receive? Oh, they were ridiculed cerns, to extend the eight-hour day, etc. as "calamity howlers," "rainbow chasTaft was very uncommunicative, merely ers," "soapbox artists," and the like, uttering the stereotyped politician's and the valiant Sam'l in the forephrase of giving the subjects his "earnest front in the game of making chopping consideration," and also hinted that he blocks of the little crowd of “reds." Those would not recede from his well known were joyous days, but it is amusing to views on injunctions.

go over the convention proceedings and Gompers seems to have done pretty compare notes in the light of recent ocmuch all the talking. He said that, since currences and contrast Sam's speeches the United States Supreme Court decis- then and his appeal to Taft now! Sam ion in the now celebrated hatters' case, has turned "calamity howler" himself, 75 union men at New Orleans have been but he can't overcome his old habit of indicted because they refused to load an asking the enemies of the working class unfair steamboat. “Under a further in- to help that class. And I doubt whether terpretation of that decision," said Gom- he ever will. pers, “labor unions can be dissolved by any move on the part of the federal gov- From all appearances the struggle beernment. Men can be arrested, indicted tween the United Hatters and the Hat and sentenced to a year in prison and a Manufacturers' Association will be a fine of $5,000. Officers and members of long, hard battle. The masters made a the union also can be proceeded against desperate attempt to injunction the civilly and threefold damages can be as- strike out of existence in New Jersey, sessed against them in any amount that but have so far failed, and now some of may be complained of by any person them have settled back upon the old claiming to have suffered by reason of policy of starving the workers into submen quitting work or withholding their mission. But they are likely to be dispatronage."

appointed in playing that game, too. Al

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