By WILLIAM ENGLISH WALLING N MANY countries socialist organizations put in the foreground the agitation for a political revolution to establish democratic government. Such is the case not only in Russia, but also in Austria, Germany, Italy, Belgium and many other countries. In none of these countries is it thought that this political revolution movement is necessarily of a pro foundly socialistic character. Nevertheless, it has been found everywhere that only the socialists had the courage to fight for the preservation of the original institutions of democratic government. Now recently it has been confessed by some of the world's leading publicists that the government of the United States is very far indeed from being a democratic one. Undoubtedly the best work extant on the American political institutions is Ostrogorsky's "Democracy, or the Origin of Political Parties in England and the United States." With other modern writers on the subject, he makes it clear that we are absolutely bound and tied not only by the intensely undemocratic constitution forced on later generations by our fathers, but also by the unexpected and monstrous development of the system of government by two great political parties. It is this antiquated system that not only divides the democratic forces of the country, but even results in the establishment of several contradictory tendencies within the socialist party. If we had a genuine democratic constitution, clear-cut economic questions would be placed before the people and the nation would divide on each question according to the conscious economic position of the various social classes. As it is, each campaign brings up such a confusion of issues, that the elections are valueless even as an indication of public opinion, to say nothing about obtaining any real advance. The conference of Radicals held at St. Louis December 3rd, 4th and 5th, proposed a plan which may result in a wide national agitation for the institution of a democratic government in the United States. Its plan was at once presented to the leading socialist papers, as well as the progressive labor press and all other radical publications that might be interested. The inaugurators of the movement were under no illusions as to its chances for immediate success; and if it should never succeed, that makes it all the more valuable from a socialistic standpoint. Undoubtedly if a legally instituted constitutional convention were called at the present moment, the people are not enough educated to take a very advanced political stand and there might even be some reaction, for the President's message and all other official statements of the ruling class show that our rulers have decided to prevent not only the organization of a convention. but even a general discussion of the constitution. It is therefore certain that while this movement will have the support of all honest and courageous radicals, it will have the violent and bitter opposition of all the conservative and capitalistic press. Every step then, that is made towards making this action a lively political issue, will be an eye-opener for every element of the American people that still believes that we have any control whatever over our political destinies at the present time. Ten years of such an agitation might lead to a revolutionary crisis. indeed! We shall not attempt even to mention possible objections, with one exception. If the constitution were in the foreground, public discussion of fundamental economic change, it will be claimed, would be temporarily obscured. The first answer to. this objection is that fully half of the immediate demands of the present socialist program are political in character and that the proportion of the political to the economic demands is growing all the time. The second answer is that according to the materialist conception of history, the only economic reforms that will be granted or even seriously considered are those that harmonize with the interests of the capitalist class. On the other hand, we have in America a lying political tradition which says that political democracy and political liberty exist in the United States; and while the capitalists would fight: any fundamental political change in actual legislation as hard as they v. ould any proposed economic change, they have not yet dared to fight political democracy in the open. If by a movement like the present one, we can force the two old Farties to attack democracy in the open just as the socialists of Germany have forced the National Liberals to do, we can strengthen tenfold the appeal of the socialist movement to the producing classes of the United States. For a large part of our people of all classes still believe in the existence of political democracy in this country in spite of the many facts pointing to the contrary. The call issued at St. Louis speaks for itself. A number of socialists were present and felt that there was nothing objectionable in the move ment while it might prove of the greatest possible service to ths party. Any interested in the project can address Jay Forrest, Chairman of the American Provisional Committee, at Albany, N. Y. TEXT OF THE CALL The American people are politically discontented and dazed! The last campaign was the climax of forty years of continual discouragement. Every movement for radical reform since 1865 has been ruthlessly destroyed by the class that rules. Every hope of the common people to control the national government has been defeated. All are agreed, without exception, that the cause of our political impotency is the division in our own ranks. Not only were the forces of radical reform scattered among the so-called third parties, but millions were compelled by the utterly unworkable nature of our now thoroughly outgrown constitution to cast their ballots for one of the two plutocratic parties, with the complete knowledge and profound realization that they were voting, not according to their conscience, not even for the remote possibility of any reform, but merely to defend themselves from some immediate menace of catastrophe. The leaders of the American workingmen urged their followers to vote the Democratic ticket, while confessing its criminal hostility to labor wherever and whenever in power-because they were rightly in terror of the greater and more immediate threat to the labor organization by the re-election of a Republican president, congress and judiciary. The leading American farmers urged their followers to vote the Republican ticket, while confessing that the Republican party had refused absolutely to give them even so cheap and empty a thing as a "political promise" of the reform which they and their followers know to be absolutely necessary for the establishment of a truly democratic government in the United States-because they knew that the Democratic party is now and has been for forty years absolutely under the whip of the violently undemocratic, reactionary and plutocratic Bourbons of the South, and the slum politicians, the liquor interests and common criminals of Tammany Hall -the political mouthpiece of the giant traction trust and the pliant tool of Wall street. While there appears to be division and even fundamental difference of opinion among the forces of radical reform, the slightest examination into all of their demands demonstrates absolutely that all such movements, which have been dignified by a large following of the American people, held in common many identical interests. "What honest radical party of large following is hostile to any of the leading democratic social reforms? What radical opposes any of the following reforms? (1) The Initiative and Referendum. (2) Proportional Representation. (3) The Right of Recall. (4) The direct election of: The Judges of the Supreme The President. The United States Senators. (5) The prohibition of the newly extended and iniquitous use of the injunction. Or: (1) The Graduated Income Tax. (5) The issuing of money direct by the Not only are all reformers as one in advocating these measures, but they urge that political reform accompany economic reform. It is absolutely essential that the government pass into the hands of the people. A closer examination of these demands shows that all radical reform movements not only hold most of their demands in common, but will inevitably be forcedbefore a single radical reform can be realized-to common action. Every social or democratic reform runs dead against the Constitution of the United States! Sooner or later, with the fateful regularity of clock work, the now consolidated interests that govern us, guided by corporation lawyers, will take shelter behind one of the innumerable "useful" clauses or judicial interpretations of the Consti tution. It is evident that not any one-but many changes are needed in our system of government. What we require to establish equity and democracy in this land is not verbal changes in our outgrown constitution, but a completely new spirit of true democracy in our government— a new constitution Indeed the greatest dangers to united action among the radicals are the proposals now being made for isolated amendments. The majority of one of the plutocratic parties-a large minority in the other-demand an amendment for the direct election of senators. Even the plutocrats need a change in their own interests. Well-known writers of both the old parties are considering how amendments can be made to the constitution without danger to their peculiar interests. They are already demanding that it shall be done behind closed doors-so that the people can be excluded from voicing their wishes. The shrewdest of their corporation lawyers are even now plotting how they can make the changes desired by the monopolized money interests, and at the same time defeat the reforms demanded by the people. Above all, they wish to avoid an open constitutional assembly. They will insist on amendment by congress and the state legislatures. The outgrown constitution must be changed, but it must be changed in the open for the benefit and by the effort of all the people. What is needed is a simple constitution, one easily conformable to the changing needs of the nation and free from limitations and restrictions on the power of the people of this and succeeding generations to adopt such laws as may seem to them desirable. Even if a constitutional assembly is forced from the ruling class by threatening waves of popular opinion, still they will hope by legal jugglery—and even without constitutional warrant-arbitrarily to limit the discussion of the convention to detailed amendments instead of allowing a complete revision of all its antiquated and discredited elements and the establishment of a new constitution adapted to the political and economic principles and present-day needs of the American nation. A popular constitutional assemblythis must be our war cry. Despite the fundamental unity among all honest and progressive citizens we may be faced by a long and difficult struggle before we succeed in democratizing our form of government. And this is despite the fact that the American people has already made up its mind to 8 what it wants. It is because of the violently conservative nature of the constitution which above all things obstructs amendment. It requires three-fourths of the states to change the constitution. A bare majority of the enfranchised citizens of thirteen states can prevent any change, and if the states were carefully chosen-for in this respect Delaware and Nevada are as strong as Ohio and Illinois -an easy calculation shows that onetwentieth of our people, if they were controlled by the money interests, could block the enactment of any fundamental reform. It is as easy to get a new constitution as to get an amendment to the existing one. No man who is sincerely democratic can question the right of this generation to govern itself. The Rights of Man cry out against the binding of today and smothering of tomorrow by the dead of yesterday! Our nation has certain obligations to the past which none of us wish to ignore. But we have greater obligations to the present, and above all we are the parents of the new generation. We cannot be contented with the statement that: "A century ago our country was the freest on earth." We demand that it shall be so today! We demand that our children to come shall be born and shall live their lives in the freest country on earth! A century-old constitution binds us! The democracy of 1776 was shortlived. It was cut down in its infancy by the aristocrats and plutocrats of 1789. At few and exceptional intervals the original revolutionary spirit has revived. But only to be inundated by the general tide of reaction. The reaction which has always been fortified by the constitution and intrenched in the Supreme Court. Although we, as a nation, have grown in many directions-the constitution has stood still. Do you agree with those who are on every hand asserting that the Declaration of Independence is a lie? If not-join us to make that declaration a living reality. Join us to make this-in living reality -a country of, by and for the people. Do you accept the fundamental religious teachings of all ages-the brotherhood of man? If so, join us to defend it. Join us for the fight for a popular constitutional assembly." The value contained in a certain commodity is equal to the labor-time required for its production, and the sum of this labor consists of paid and unpaid portions.-Karl Marx, in Capital, Volume III. |