agreement with political parties, the socialist party included. They intend to get reforms through strikes and exterior pressure. Social transformation will be brought about by a general expropriating strike prepared in its turn by a series of special strikes. That brand of syndicalism is all in all to itself, it claims as its mission to take the place of the socialist party.

The revolutionary syndicalists are concerned just as much with political as with economical mafters, they are anti-militarists and anti-patriots and proposed to the Marseilles congress to discuss the duty of the working class in case of war. A last point in their attitude should be noticed, they refuse to abide by the democratic rule of the majority as indicated by the results of an equal ballot. They contend that a minority should not abdicate before a majority. It must act without regard for the refractory mass. This reminds us of the conclusions of Ibsen's Pillars of Society. As a practical application of this principle they give every union regardless of its membership an equal representation in the convention. They try in this manner to give a theoretical basis to a rule which the reformists contend is simply a way of getting artificially a majority in the convention.

The reformist element is not opposed to direct action, they strike and parade occasionally in the streets, but they want to stay on the limited domain of economic organization and leave the socialist party fight out the political problems. They are practical people bent on getting immediate results and believe that very useful reform can be obtained through parliamentary action. In case of strike, they do not embitter the conflict and when they fear they are going to be defeated they try arbitration and conciliation. They have sick and death benefits, relief funds against unemployment, pay heavy dues and try to enlarge their membership. The revolutionists with their theory of conscious minorities despise this last precaution. The reformist method consists in a series of slow and persistent efforts without pretension of bringing about at once a radical change but organizing a permanent working class army. strong through its numbers and its unity.

Such are the two tendencies fighting for the leadership inside the C. G. T. The radical differences existing between them make any agreement practically impossible.

The revolutionists with their exclusive use of direct action, their lack of confidence in universal suffrage and parliamentary action, their conscious minorities are anarchists, and their final general strike is only another form of the old and buried cataclysmic theory of certain socialists. But whatever might be wrong in these tactics, the reformist might learn something from those whose uncompromising disposition stands for no truce with the enemy and whose revolutionary enthusiasm results in constant action, awakening latent energies and shaking the indifference of the sluggish masses.

The Marseilles convention itself was a long drawn battle. Under every special item which came up for discussion, the war of the rival tendencies reappeared under a new disguise.

was

Perhaps the most important decision of the convention reached when by a vote of 919 against 180 and 99 not voting it adopted the principle of industrial unionism against that of craft unionism in the metal and printing trades.

The principles of the majority of the C. G. T. being entirely different from those of all other European trade-union federations, which follow a line of action based on a division of labor, and a common understanding between the two wings of the labor-move

ment, have driven the C. G. T. to leave the International Socialist Bureau and the International Trade Union Federation. The members of the C. G. T. deeply regret the severing of their international relations with the organized workers of other countries, but by a vote of 922 against 444 they refused to withdraw from their position as to the necessity for economic organizations to solve the merely political questions of anti-militarism and anti-patriotism.

As in every previous convention, the mode of representation of the federated unions came up for a large share of discussion. The reform element pretends that they are in a majorit because they represent most of the union-men and that the existing majority is artificially created through giving all unions an equal vote. proposition to base the voting power on the number of dues paid was voted down by 741 against 383.

A

The two fractions faced each other again when the attitude of the working class in case of war was under discussion. The reformists argued that it was a political matter coming within the province of the Socialist Party. The revolutionists claim that their interference in these matters as union-men is justified and by 681 votes against 421 the congress decided to educate the working class to bring about a general revolutionary strike, whenever war is declared between two nations and to refuse to use their weapons against their fellow-workers, whenever the army is called out to do police duty in favor of the capitalistic class.

The congress went on record as opposed to compulsory state insurance against labor-accidents.

A motion was carried approving the systematic withdrawal of children from a strike center to neighboring towns, the organisation of "communistic soup kitchens" and the working of overtime by all the members of a craft, when a local strike will have been declared.

The votes of the convention seem to prove that the reformists are gaining ground. These however point out that the powerful unions which are in favor of reformist tactics will either leave the C. G. T. or loose all interest in its work. They are willing to wait patiently for a turn of the tide and point with satisfaction to the moderation of the revolutionists' declaration on anti-militarism and anti-patriotism. Still they agree that in the congress the minority has ruled and that the importance of the convention has been greatly reduced thereby. The general view seems to be that a split is imminent and that the reformist unions will sooner or later have their own federation of high dues paying members closely allied to the United Socialist Party. Hubert Langerock.

As it appears. When you are sure you are right then go ahead; -but do not forget to go ahead.

The recent election reflects several interesting facts;-should teach a few timely lessons. "To be sure we are right" has not proven our ability to go ahead. If all who were sure the Socialists' are right had suited their conduct to their intelligence, there would have been an unprecedented "going ahead", which, to-day, is conspicuous by being inconspicuous.

The man with a head full of philosophy, who does not know what it is for, is like the muscular rich who expend their energies with dumb bells and upon the "links."-Their efforts arc productive.

un

The socialist who makes no other use of his philosophical under

standing than to impose upon others the fact that he "understands," is not doing things.

To understand the Philosophy of Socialism is the first important step in order to be sure you are right.-At this point you are in the same position as the young man who emerges from college;-you are simply equipped to go ahead.

"Effort" does not express a criterion to political success; it must be expressed in terms which imply "Intelligently directed effort." This presupposes a question of tactics. It is not only a question of doing things, but also a question of "how".

The Socialists are convinced that they must fight their way to the co-operative commonwealth together.-The two big words are "fight" and "together".

The results of the last election are that of the greatest American Socialist victory. It's purpose will be, now, to convert non-Socialists. Its experience will exceed in value any bound volume of propaganda literature in circulation.

The wild shouts of crowds is a deceiving noise. It does not require nearly so much intelligence to shout as it does to vote.

What I am endeavoring to get at is this: The campaign of 1908, has cleared the political atmosphere, and the time of playing at revolution is past;-the time of real revolution has not yet arrived and the momentous task confronting the Socialists before this time does arrive, is to clear the decks and to train the crew.-There is no time to waste.

We have the means of peaceable warfare at hand and we have socialists who know how to use them;-but we have got to use them or else we will continue in the rut of our former errors.

The time is past for trying to look scholarly and wise; the man with the "goods" will always be appreciated for what there is in him, and burdens will gravitate to those who are able to bear them, if they show a willingness to accept them.

There is no use to argue but that an army, trained to fight as a single "giant" man, is the army that is qualified to give an account of its efforts by results. There must be no lagging in the Socialist Party in matters of organization.

None are good socialists who are too good to be present when their names are called at the local organization headquarters. None are plucky enough who have not the pluck to stand by their local through thick and thin.

Socialists, in the future, should not be judged by how much they seem to know about philosophy, but in addition to this, they should be measured by how much they both "know" and "do" for the parties organization;-not factionally but socialistically,-in order to make every pulsation of this mighty engine of progress carry its burden of a decaying system to its destination, when it shall have passed into innocuous desuetude, to oblivion and death.

Clyde J. Wright, Chicago.

A Friend in Need. It was with deep sorrow that we learned from Comrade Jennie Adams, of Brazil, Indiana, of the death of her husband, one of our old friends, John H. Adams. In February of 1903, when the publishing house was struggling to meet the needs of the growing demand for socialist literature, Comrade John Adams was one of the first to yield his co-operation, and become a stockholder. Since that time, he has never failed to give us his hearty support in all our various undertakings. One of the pioneers in the socialist movement, Comrade Adams, with others of his kind, has blazed the way for the broader, greater organization that shall set free the Proletariat of the world in the days to come.

DEPARTMENT

GOOD NEWS.

The International Socialist Review, after a struggle of more than eight years, is a success. Until this year it has taxed the resources of the book publishing house; it has now become selfsupporting.

In October, 1907, the total cash receipts of the Review were $216.74. In October, 1908, they were exactly $568.16. In November, 1907, they were $237.88. We go to press too early to give complete figures for November, 1908, but up to Nov. 24, with a week's business yet to come, they are $560.48. Our subscription list has DOUBLED within less than two months. And the monthly sales of single copies have doubled many times over. Less than a year ago we were printing only four thousand copies a month. This month's edition is fourteen thousand copies, and next month's will be at least twenty thousand.

Christmas greetings to our loyal friends all over the world who have stood by us through thick and thin,-especially the "thin" times. Your persistent work is beginning to count at last. The Review is a success because thousands of working people were bound to have a magazine that should say the things they want said. It will be a bigger success because the number of those who want such things said is growing every day.

Now we are going to redeem a promise. We said that when the subscription list was doubled, we could and would make a better magazine. We believe this December number redeems the promise in part, but it does not satisfy us; we shall try to do better. And for a start, we shall publish in our January and February numbers a NEW story by JACK LONDON, entitled THE DREAM OF DEBS.

You all know JACK LONDON. In our opinion he is the greatest living writer, barring none. And with his genius he joins a deep insight into the real nature of the revolutionary movement of the proletariat, still vague and uncertain, but growing clearer and stronger every day.

His new story is written in a light, entertaining fashion, so that it must be read a second time if you are to realize the reserve power back of it. Don't miss reading it and don't let your friends miss it. The Review will be on sale at news stands in all the principal cities of the United States and can be bought at wholesale from any branch of the American News Company.

CHRISTMAS SUGGESTIONS.

Did you ever see our SOCIALIST PLAYING CARDS? They look enough like ordinary cards so that all the ordinary games can be played with them. But the interesting thing about them is the verses and pictures. Each card carries a verse by Mary E. Marcy.

The Kings are the Trusts. the Queens the Capitalist Virtues, and the Jacks the Guardians of Society. Their pictures are drawn by R. H. Chaplin, who made the cover design for last month's Review. The King of Spades, for example, is a clever caricature of a wellknown face, with a verse that reads:

OIL KING.

I love to oil the college wheels

And grease the pulpit stairs,

Where workmen learn to scorn the strike

And trust to Heaven and prayers.

These cards sell for 50 cents a pack. When they were brought out, we were obliged to ask stockholders to pay the full price for them in order to cover the heavy outlay required at the start. Here after, however, stockholders may buy them at the same discount as books, in other words the stockholders' price will be 30 cents postpaid or 25 cents if sent by express at purchaser's expense. We will also send cards the same as books on our premium offer for new subscriptions to the Review.

OUT OF THE DUMP, by Mary E. Marcy, with eight original wash drawings and a cover design by R. H. Chaplin, will be ready for delivery about December 12, so you may safely count on it in making up your list of Christmas presents. If you have read the Review since May, we need not tell you how good this story is: for the benefit of new readers we will say that it tells about the real working people, who are rebellious rather than moral, and are more interested in meal tickets than in ethics. A few years ago "Mrs. Wiggs of the Cabbage Patch", which pictured the proletariat as the capitalists think it should be, scored an immense success. If you have any wealthy friends whom you would like to startle, give them "Out of the Dump". Cloth, 50 cents.

SOCIALISM, ITS GROWTH AND OUTCOME, by William Morris and Ernest Belfort Bax, is a standard historical work long recognized as of the utmost value to socialists, but the rather high price of $1.25 has limited its circulation. Just to show what our co-operative publishing house can do, we are now publishing this book in a new edition from new plates, to retail at 50 cents, with our usual discounts. We expect to have copies ready before Christmas, but the printers and binders MAY disappoint us, so don't count on this book for a present if promptness is essential. By the way, if you want any of our other books in a hurry, order from us direct. We make it a rule to fill every small order the same day it comes.

When you make up an order, be sure you have cur latest price list; if in doubt, write for one. And please don't waste your time or ours in asking where you can get books of other publishers. Our list includes nearly all the socialist books worth reading that can be had at moderate prices.

We will pay in books for your trouble in taking and forwarding new subscriptions for the Review, provided you are a subscriber yourself. For every new subscription you send with a dollar, we will send you a dollar book or two fifty cent books; we pay postage or expressage. The books are for you, not for the new subscribers. Ther can have the same chance in their turn, to send in new names and get books for their trouble.

One Christmas suggestion in closing. If you are a subscriber, you can make three Christmas presents for a dollar.-the Review a year to one friend, Out of the Dump to another and the Socialist Playing Cards to a third.