8,000 in London. The London district had had 71,000l. and West Ham 25,000l. He still condemned labour colonies, as he had twenty years ago, and strongly preferred emigration schemes, which gave the emigrant an entirely fresh start.

Subsequently the House discussed the grievance of blocking motions, which the Women's Suffrage agitation had again brought into prominence. The proceedings of the first day of the session had been repeated on March 20, when a meeting at Caxton Hall, Westminster, had formed a procession headed by Lady Harberton to present a resolution to the Prime Minister. The procession had been broken up, and Lady Harberton, who had gained admittance to the lobby, had been refused access to the Prime Minister, while a number of women who endeavoured to resist the police had been taken into custody, summoned, and sent to prison in default of paying fines. A motion for the enfranchisement of women, put down for discussion on March 27, by Sir Charles Maclaren (Bosworth, Leicestershire), had been blocked (as the Speaker on March 27 ruled, with an expression of regret) by a Bill for adult suffrage, of which notice had been given by Mr. Levy (Loughborough, Leicestershire), it was suspected solely to prevent discussion. On the Wednesday, therefore, March 27, Mr. Bowles (Norwood, Lambeth) moved, and Mr. A. Henderson (Barnard Castle, Durham) seconded, a resolution declaring that to put down a motion or introduce a Bill in order to prevent discussion of motions for which precedence had been obtained in the ballot on definite matters of urgent public importance was hurtful to the usefulness of the House and an infringement of the rights of its members. The resolution was agreed to, and generally approved from both sides, the Chancellor of the Exchequer declaring that in view of their experience in the last Parliament the proposal had his hearty sympathy. The remedy, however, was not easy to specify, and he urged that anything done should be done with the general consent. The House then adjourned for the Easter recess : but the resolution had a noteworthy sequel when the motion for dealing with the Lords' veto was about to be discussed in June.

Outside Parliament the position of the Government appeared to be as strong as ever. The Hexham bye-election, caused by the succession of Mr. W. D. Beaumont to the peerage, resulted on March 27 in the return of Mr. Holt, the Liberal candidate. There was, indeed, an increase in the Conservative strength and a drop in that of the Liberal, but this was largely attributable to local reasons, and it was significant that the Unionist, though a decided Tariff Reformer, had had to put that issue in the background in order to avoid a party split. The depression on the Stock Exchange, due partly to the multiplication of openings for capital both in trade and in stocks, partly to its destruction in the Russo-Japanese war and the Californian and Jamaican earthquakes, and partly to a heavy fall in American securities, had, of course, been exploited in the Press against the Govern

ment, but with an extravagance that defeated the exploiters' aim. It was felt that much depended on the nature of the plan for reforming the House of Lords, and the obscure reference in the King's Speech, coupled with the long delay in proceeding further, suggested that there were divisions in the Government.

Apprehensions were felt, moreover, among moderate Liberals regarding land reform and Ireland. Writing to Mr. H. de B. Walker, M.P., on March 23, the Prime Minister declared for the land policy embodied in the Small Landholders (Scotland) Bill; and Lord Rosebery, reappearing to address the Liberal League at the Westminster Palace Hotel on March 26, suggested that that body was needed as a brake. No meeting of the League, he said, had been called in 1906, because the Government, after its success at the polls, had a right to a free hand for the first year of its existence. But further silence would imply that the work of the League was over just when it was becoming most necessary. He owed the Government neither allegiance nor confidence-perhaps not even the common courtesies of life; but it had surmounted its great difficulties with extraordinary success, and had come to its second session not weakened but invigorated by the experience of the first. He commended especially the work of three of their Vice-Presidents, Mr. Haldane, Mr. Asquith and Sir Edward Grey. But he feared, first, that the Government might cause disappointment and reaction by vast promises and an unwieldy programme; secondly, that the Liberal party might be connected with hostility to property, and squeezed out between Socialism and Conservatism. He regarded with extreme misgiving the introduction of dual ownership into the land system of Great Britain, and did not believe in any general restoration of the people to the land. Thirdly, though he believed that the Irish Bill would be very moderate, all such Bills must be read by the Prime Minister's speech at Stirling in November, 1905, the views in which had since been accentuated by the assertion of Ireland's claim to the right of a self-governing Colony on the part of its author and the Chief Secretary, and by the Lord Chancellor's recent speech (March 20). Where was a Liberal to take refuge who viewed these schemes with apprehension? Two things Great Britain would never tolerate: a tax on food stuffs and a separate Parliament in Ireland. Yet the Unionists were almost entirely identified with the one and the Liberals much too largely with the other. All this made it necessary to keep up the Liberal League.

Though Lord Rosebery modestly described these views as "the croaking of a retired raven on a withered branch" they found an echo in the Spectator, and corresponded to a considerable amount of independent opinion outside strict party politics. But expression of opinion was necessarily reserved pending the further development of the Ministerial programme, and especially until the appearance of the Budget and the Irish "Devolution" Bill.

CHAPTER III.

The Easter Recess-Congresses of the Independent Labour Party and the Social Democratic Federation-Parliament Reassembles-Second Reading of the Territorial and Reserve Forces Bill; Elucidation by Mr. Haldane; Debate Begun-Lord Cromer Retires-Procedure Debate; Closure by Compartments -The Scheme of Grand Committees Comes into Operation-Criminal Appeal Bill-Patents and Designs Bill-Butter and Margarine Bill-Civil Service Estimates-Mr. Asquith's Budget Statement-Parliamentary and Press Comments-The King's Visits to the Kings of Spain and Italy: Their Interpretation-The Colonial Conference; Predictions as to Colonial Action; Subsidiary Conferences-Welcome to the Premiers-Preparations for the Conference; Sir Frederick Pollock's Committee; Resolutions from Australia and New Zealand; Mr. Deakin's Attitude-Opening of the Conference: Welcomes from the King and the Prime Minister; Procedure; Future Meetings and the Secretariate; Imperial Defence; Addresses by Mr. Haldane and Lord Tweedmouth; Emigration; Imperial Court of Appeal-Entertainments to the Premiers; Their Declarations; Accessory Meetings; Tariff Reform Demonstration at the Albert Hall-Home Politics: Agitation for Land Reform; the Prime Minister and Small Holdings-Town Planning-Debate on the Budget Resolutions-The Territorial and Reserve Forces Bill Read a Second Time-Naval Affairs-Sir Horace Plunket's Office; Debate; His Resignation-Small Landholders (Scotland) Bill-Social Reform Schemes: Eight Hours for Miners, Temperance, Shop Hours, Old Age Pensions-News in War Time-Budget Resolutions Disposed of-Territorial and Reserve Forces Bill to be Guillotined-Difficulties of the Government-Lord Newton's Bill for the Reform of the Lords-Irish Councils Bill Introduced-Its Reception -Probation of Offenders Bill-Colonial Conference: Debate on Colonial Preference-Imperial Coastwise Trade-Naval Defence-Penny Post-The Colonies and the Cold Shoulder"-Mr. Balfour at the Primrose League Demonstration -The Prime Minister at Manchester-The Finance Bill: Mr. Austen Chamberlain's Amendment-Close of the Conference-Sir Robert Bond and the Daily Mail-Colonial Premiers at the Baltic Exchange-Results of the Conference-Prince Fushimi's Visit-Debate on the Whitsuntide Adjournment; the Congo; Business of the House; Secondary Education— Position of the Government.

THE brief Easter recess presented hardly any events politically notable. Public attention was to some extent diverted to the preparations for the Hague Conference and the Colonial Conference. The usual congresses of the Independent Labour Party and the Social Democratic Federation were held at Eastertide respectively at Derby and at Carlisle. At the latter Mr. John Burns was violently attacked for his administration of the Unemployed Workmen Act, the Provision of Meals Act was condemned as "humbug," and contempt was expressed for the half-hearted Socialism of the Progressives in London. At the former Mr. Ramsay Macdonald, M.P., in delivering the Presidential Address, declared that the object of the party was to mould society into the Socialist State. The Congress, amongst other decisions, condemned the Territorial and Reserve Forces Bill. It was divided on the women suffrage question, but eventually compromised on a declaration in favour of universal adult suffrage, and recommending the immediate extension of the suffrage to women on the same conditions as men. To this recommendation there was much opposition. The Social Democratic Federation supported universal adult suffrage. The Convention of Scottish Royal Burghs, in session at Edinburgh,

expressed disapproval of the extension of the Provision of Meals Act to Scotland, and approval of the proposed Scottish Grand Committee of the Commons.

An important speech was made by Mr. Birrell to the National Union of Teachers in Dublin on April 4. After enumerating some of the hopeful features in Irish politics generally, he spoke as he had in the House of Commons (p. 72) of the low salaries and the centralised Board of Education which yet could not well be abolished or improved, and declared that the two chief wants of the moment were increases in grants for teachers and in provision for pupils. Education should be the first charge on any money obtained from the Treasury. Speaking as an English Nonconformist, he did not think Ireland would find any difficulty made by that section if they were convinced that its people were really zealous for education. Of University education he said. nothing; whence it was inferred that the Bill would not be introduced, at any rate in 1907.

The House of Lords had adjourned till April 15. The Commons reassembled on April 8 and dealt with the Civil Service Estimates.

Next day the Territorial and Reserve Forces Bill came on for second reading. It had been commended by Earl Roberts, speaking at Birmingham, on April 4, as the greatest step ever made officially towards a National Army, but as inadequate without compulsory training, at the least of the Swiss type. Its features had also been effectively set forth and advocated by a series of articles in The Times. An elucidatory memorandum by the War Secretary, published April 8, had stated that the Government would adhere to the lines laid down by Mr. Cardwell in 1872, territorialising in principle the units of the Army, and dividing the period of service between that performed with the Colours and that in the Reserve. Mr. Cardwell's reform, the War Secretary pointed out, had aimed at keeping up a war reserve in view of the lessons of the Crimea, and at converting the Militia into a supplementary reserve. This, however, had been effected imperfectly by the formation of the Militia Reserve (abolished in 1901) of 19,000 men, receiving a bounty of 17. per annum each in consideration of their undertaking to join the regular Army in war; but the South African War had shown that the position of the Militia was untenable, inasmuch as the drafts from it weakened its fighting powers when it was subsequently called on to serve. The chief lesson of the South African War, as summarised by the Elgin Commission, was that no military system would be satisfactory which did not contain 'powers of expansion outside the limits of the regular forces of the Crown." A second-line force must now be formed on a nonprofessional basis for home defence, and to provide for such expansion; and the Militia should be incorporated in it. The problem of maintaining the strength of the Army in the field was to be met by the institution of a new Special Contingent under

Part III. of the Territorial and Reserve Forces Bill, which would replace the extinct Militia Reserve and supply auxiliary and special service troops on mobilisation; a reserve of officers was also to be provided. The Regular Army was already organised for war; the Auxiliary Forces were not, and, owing to their lack of field artillery, engineers, and supply services, the Card wellian ideal of their close connection with the Regular Army had been realised only in the infantry. In conclusion, the War Secretary intimated that "unless we set our house in order" the military systems of certain Colonies might soon be more advanced than our own. Tables were appended in detail, giving the approximate figures of the proposed war and peace establishments, and putting the total estimated average normal cost of personnel and horses under the new scheme at 22,470,000l., and that of the Regular and Auxiliary Forces according to the Estimates of 1907-8 as 22,200,000l.; and materials were also presented for the comparison of the pay of the new territorial force with those of the existing Regulars and Militia.

To the motion for the second reading Mr. Wyndham (Dover) moved an amendment, declaring that the House, though anxious to increase the capacity for expansion of the forces of the Crown in war, regretted that the Government should make proposals which, while destroying the Militia, discouraging the Yeomanry, and imposing new and uncertain liabilities on the Volunteers, would not, in a period of national peril, provide an adequate force for Home defence or prompt support for the Regular Army in the field. After complaining that the Bill would impair the control of Parliament over the Army, he explained that the Opposition had moved the amendment because (1) there were great defects in the scheme as it affected the expeditionary force, (2) much that was valuable in the Auxiliary Forces would be destroyed, and (3) the new Territorial Force would not be linked in a practical way with the striking force for the purpose of providing drafts. Criticising what he called the practical part of the plan-that affecting the Regular Army-he declared that neither the special Reservists in the new third battalions nor the present second battalions would be efficiently trained, and that recruiting would be imperilled. The speculative side of the plan-the Territorial Force-would not supply the means for reinforcing and expanding the fighting line; for, while the Militia was to be abolished, the new scheme would not be attractive either to the Yeomanry or the Volunteers. The scheme was incoherent, and was not in consonance with the exigencies of the Empire which needed a system of successive supporting forces. Sir Edward Grey, in contrasting the Government plan of a military organisation on two lines with the Opposition three-line plan said that the latter would cause confusion and expense, while by the former a larger and better equipped force could be sent abroad than ever before, and the creation of third battalions and a special contingent ensured the maintenance of the ex