injurious to the interests of the common people. For example, the nobles in France before the Revolution, managed to enact laws by which the property of nobles could not be taxed. The common people were thus obliged not only to pay their own taxes but the taxes of the nobles as well. The nobles invested themselves with peculiar honors. For instance no one could be an officer in the army who was not a noble of a certain grade. The history of every nation teaches that, under certain circumstances which may arise, an aristocracy is capable of enacting laws which may effect the destruction of the happiness, of the liberties, and even of the lives of the common people-may even be tempted to endeavor to reduce their fellow-citizens to a state of vassalage-may even be betrayed into thinking of themselves as a superior species and into assuming offensive pretensions. The history of every nation in the world teaches that, no matter how lovely in character some members of an aristocracy may be, the existence of an order of nobility in a land is responsible for direful evils,-is an infringement on human liberty and a greater evil than benefit even to the favored few-is a system which can justly claim no encouragement from the spirit of the Christian religion and is at war with just principles of good government.

In a nation in which all men are equal the people enjoy the advantage of the talents of the poor as well as of the rich. When the people of the United States declared to the world, as they did when they adopted their National Constitution, that no order of nobility should exist under the United States flag, they presented a strange spectacle to the nations of the world who had become accustomed to seeing the innumerable evils which ever result from creating wrong artificial distinctions among men. A Government "of the people, by the people, for the

people," "*was indeed, a hundred years ago, an interesting sight to the world.

In a very able and eloquent discourse, delivered in Chautauqua county, New York, July 26th, 1837, on the importance of raising the standard of education throughout the land, William H. Seward said: "The aristocracy with which the world has been scourged was never one that was produced by science and learning. * * * If at this day, wealth sometimes usurps the place of intellect and appropriates its honors, it is only because public sentiment is perverted, and requires to be corrected by a higher standard of education. But, although education increases the power and influence of its votaries, it has no tendency like other means of power to confine its advantages to a small number; on the contrary, it is expansive and thus tends to produce equality, not by levelling all to the condition of the base, but by elevating all to the association of the wise and good."

Seward's sentiments regarding creating, in some respects, an equality among citizens are certainly noble and wise. Is it not so plain as scarcely to need illustration, that if halls of learning are ever open to the sons and daughters of all American citizens, that youth will have opportunities to qualify themselves to guard their own interests, the cause of learning, of liberty, and of good government, in their country; but, that if institutions of learning are closed to the youth of parents in moderate circumstances, no matter how talented and noble they may be, and opened only to the rich, that the State would deprive itself of the advantages of the wisdom and services of a class of people from whom have arisen a host of patriots who have been one of the glories of the nation.

* Abraham Lincoln's speech at the dedication of the Cemetery at Gettysburg.

In a republic there cannot be a surplus of wisdom and true learning. The prosperity and strength of a State depend more upon having intelligent and virtuous citizens than it does upon possessing valuable mines of gold and silver. If only the rich were privileged to send their youth to colleges then, inasmuch as riches are confined principally to chief cities, there would sadly often be a dearth of highly educated men in small towns and villages and in rural districts. The successful working of a republican government requires that there should be few districts devoid of high intelligence. Free colleges and universities disseminate over a State men of culture who directly or indirectly help in guarding the important interests of the commonwealth and in diffusing knowledge. It is a mistake to suppose that the only ones benefited by free institutions of learning are those who attend them. The good physician who ministers to the sick and blesses his neighbors in their hours of severest need and suffering, or by advice on sanitary matters saves a community from an epidemic, is not the only one who is blessed by the university. The engineer who builds bridges and works of invaluable utility to generations repays to the State many times the cost of his instruction in the public shrine of learning. The lawyer who maintains the dignity of law without which savagery would characterize a community-without which the widow and the orphan would in many cases have no protector,-helps to distribute to others than himself the blessings of higher education. Can a more unjust objection to high schools, academies and colleges be conceived than that their benefits are monopolized by those who study within their walls? These monuments of learning in which the lamp of knowledge is kept trimmed and burning give light to minds which in their turn diffuse intelligence, and

blessings flowing from knowledge, in all parts of the Republic. Why should the blessings of knowledge be curtailed by being confined only to the sons of wealthy families? Would the intelligent and patriotic poor be pleased at having these institutions of liberal culture closed to their youth? Let the fountains of learning be ever free to the children of citizens in moderate circumstances who are to be a blessing, it may be, to the nation no less truly than are the children of parents blessed with wealth. All honor to the many noble-hearted people of wealth who have shown themselves friends of letters and of the human race by giving of their means and time to found and maintain the cause of learning on the earth! What would science have done without this class of friends!

When Jefferson was in Europe he had observed with a statesman's eye the condition of its people. Writing from France to his distinguished friend and former instructor, George Wythe on April 13th, 1786,* he spoke feelingly of the "ignorance, superstition, poverty, and oppression of body and mind, in every form" which he declared was firmly settled on the mass of the people." He then, from the condition of the countries of Europe, derived a warning for the people of the United States. He said: "I think by far the most important bill in our whole code, [Code for Virginia] is that for the diffusion of knowledge among the people. No other sure foundation. can be devised, for the preservation of freedom and happiness. If anybody thinks that kings, nobles, or priests are good conservators of the public happiness, send him here. It is the best school in the universe to cure him of that folly. He will see here, with his own eyes, that these

*“ Memoirs and Writings of Jefferson," edited by Thomas Jefferson Randolph, vol. ii., p. 43.

descriptions of men are an abandoned confederacy against the happiness of the mass of the people. The omnipotence of their effect cannot be better proved, than in this country, particularly, where, notwithstanding the finest soil upon earth, the finest climate under heaven, and a people of the most benevolent, the most gay and amiable character of which the human form is susceptible; where such a people, I say, surrounded by so many blessings from nature, are loaded with misery, by kings, nobles, and priests, and by them alone. Preach, my Dear Sir, a crusade against ignorance; establish and improve the law for educating the common people. Let our countrymen know, that the people alone can protect us against these evils, and that the tax which will be paid for this purpose is not more than the thousandth part of what will be paid to kings, priests and nobles, who will rise up among us if we leave the people in ignorance."

Jefferson believed that strong-minded, well informed, and moral men were needed in a republic. He believed, as can be seen by the "Bill for the Better Diffusion of Knowledge" which he introduced into the Assembly of Virginia in 1779, that in all classes of citizens worthy and virtuous youth were to be found who could be fitted by education, to, as he expressed it, "guard the sacred deposit of the rights and liberties of their fellow-citizens.” * added: "It is better that such should be sought for and educated at the common expence of all, than that the happiness of all should be confided to the weak and wicked.”

He

"And to avail the Commonwealth of those talents and virtues which nature has sown as liberally among the poor as rich, and which are lost to their country by the want of means for their cultivation. Be it further enacted as follows," etc., etc. The heading of a division respecting grammar schools or colleges, in a very lengthy bill which Jefferson in his old age, framed. See “Early History of the University of Virginia,” J. W. Randolph, Richmond, Va., p. 426.