34

THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW.

not be hastily accredited to the democratic idea, whatever may be our opinion of its reality. Similar results attend the progress of civilization in all countries. The reform in regard to women is more advanced in London than in New-York, at Cambridge than at Harvard. The agitation for the abolition of capital punishment, for the sanitary arrangement of prisons, for the elevation of the working classes, goes on in Europe as energetically as here; in fact, much more so, most of the literature appertaining to those subjects being imported from abroad, through England. Let us admit that there is moral progress; but let us admit, at the same time, that the progress is a result of civilization in the world, not in the Western Hemisphere especially. It may, indeed, be ascribed to the growth of a humanitarian principle, but it is not yet demonstrated that this principle attains its best results under an unrestricted democracy. The modified democracy of Great Britain, under what Mr. M. D. Conway has well called "a crowned republic," may, in the end, prove favorable to ethical interests. It is, at all events, pertinent to ask in what degree moral advance is indebted to the effort necessary to overcome obstacles. Thus far the experience of mankind proves that "easy virtue" is but another name for vice. Moral endeavor usually precedes moral improvement. Reform must not be facile; if it is, the moral element will assuredly be wanting in its composition. The drift of nature is not toward moral perfection, unless we include in nature the regenerating forces which keep it up to its highest level by stimulating the intellectual and spiritual powers. Democracy reckons on the force of unrestrained human nature; but that is force of unrestrained instinct, and force of unrestrained instinct has not hitherto held out promise of moral elevation. Does it appear likely that America will reverse the tradition of all the ages by rendering discipline superfluous? Is there evidence that raw liberty is the one condition needful for "realizing the infinite"? Does observation show that the tendency of our business, society, literature, is heavenward? Listen to the talk of our parlors; look at the popular books or papers; consider the degradation of the stage, made a platform for the display of personal attractions; note the passion for scenic effect, for decoration, for amusement. Such traits do not proclaim, surely, the triumph of soul over sense. Are these the heralds that announce the coming of the Son of Man?

DEMOCRACY AND MORAL PROGRESS.

35

It may be conceded that the enormous production of wealth in America, coupled with its general diffusion among all classes of men, is favorable to the prevalence in centers of wealth, all over the country, of the outward attributes of civilization costly pictures, houses, drapery, dresses, carriages, horses, entertainments. It may even be conceded that forms of social elegance and refinement of manners, accompanied by accomplishments in music, painting, languages, may be found in remote places of the continent where money has accumulated. Wealth enables many to travel in foreign lands. The railroads make communication easy. Visitors come from far-off cities. There must be theaters, opera-houses, lecture halls. The Old World sends its dukes, scholars, writers, artists of every description, to see the country, or to make gain out of its inhabitants; they must be received, attended to, imitated. European ideas, ways, institutions are thus domesticated in our large towns; European fashions take root. This is inevitable. In some respects it works us harm by overlaying our native growth; in other respects it does us good by introducing the results of mature experience. But whether it brings harm or good the product of the contribution should not be attributed to the spread of democratic ideas. Institutions are not responsible for what money has bought; as little can democracy claim what aristocracy has created.

One may go so far as to admit that lovely manners and high conversation are found in many a Western city, without granting the regenerating efficacy of democratic principles. For, where those principles have full sway, such admirable products are least common. Hear what the "Nation," of September 28, 1882, has to say bearing on these points :

"A life of money-getting in the United States is now usually wound up by the construction of a palace, in which a successful dry-goods man, or pork-packer, or operator in stocks drags out the evening of his days in the midst of taste and splendor, for the enjoyment of which he has neither a natural nor acquired capacity."

If any are unwilling to accept the judgment of the "Nation" on the ground that it is not a fervent advocate of republican ideas, they may be inclined to listen to the Boston Herald," a paper against which no such accusation can be made. Says the "Herald":

66

"It is a matter of national shame and regret that our moneyed aristocracy is more idealess and frivolous than was ever any other aristocracy, past or present. Because, in all foreign aristocracies there is a certain percentage of persons who give a good account of themselves in literature, reflective thought, science, and art. But our born moneyed class are minus any intellectual achievements, for which they have such splendid opportunities of leisure, travel, and culture."

This is a severer verdict than that pronounced by the "Nation," and it comes from a city that is famous in revolutionary history, the home of Theodore Parker, and of Wendell Phillips, and of Charles Sumner, to name no other champions of the people's liberty. The "Herald's" charge cannot be put by with the assertion that ours is a young country; for "if such things can be done in the green tree, what may be done in the dry"? Nor can it be set aside by saying that the true democratic spirit has not yet gone into operation, for that is the precise point in question, Has it, or has it not? If it has, the description above quoted stands uncorrected. If it has not, the sooner a new quality is introduced into it the better. Neither paper tells the whole story of American society, for neither paper makes allowance for the influence of woman, which is more actively prevailing in the United States than it is anywhere in Europe or England, and is mainly the cause of whatever social refinement there is. Still, we must remember that women are not as yet responsible for the working of democratic institutions, nor is their influence to be counted in any fair estimate of the advantage hoped for from the democratic idea. Theirs is the use of money earned by laborious husbands and fathers; theirs is the leisure; theirs the opportunity and the desire for travel; theirs the love of music, the taste for pictures, the passion for grace and beauty in the house; for richness and elegance of dress; for luxury of effect; but theirs is not, thus far, a direct accountability for the success or failure of the popular system. Whether they will ever share such accountability, or whether their full participation will prove a benefit, remains a matter of mere conjecture. Here, it is enough to say that whatever bloom they add to our democracy is purely feminine, due to their genius, not to the democratic idea. That is in male hands, and has not, hitherto, given conspicuous promise of glory.

But now it is time to present the other side, to look for the signs of hope in republican institutions. On any fair estimate, the emancipation of moral power, without regard to social conditions,

may justly be put down as a result of the democratic idea. If the republican principle lets loose the lower passions of human nature, it grants full freedom to the exercise of the higher. It removes obstacles; it pulls down barriers; it throws open the field of conscience. Under it all power is available, whether of man or woman; and moral power is honored in the person of its possessor, however humble or however elevated he may be. Respect is paid to the person, not to the circumstance. In monarchical or despotic communities qualities, to be recognized, must bear the stamp of class dignity, rank, or title. The worthy cause must be taken up by some outwardly accredited authority. Plebeian virtue, except in very extraordinary cases, is undemonstrative or disallowed. But a republic gives to all an equal chance and stimulates to activity every particle of spiritual vigor. To appreciate the degree in which this is the case, one must have an opportunity of contrasting the moral liberty that is permitted by our forms with the limitation that is placed on intellectual endeavor in countries which are only comparatively free like England. Even there the spell of conventional respectability lies heavily on all but a few choice spirits. Hence the angry,

violent, explosive force with which conscience breaks out whenever occasion offers or evils become unbearable. Hence socialism, communism, nihilism, in their different phases, which present the sense of right as destructive or anarchical. As Emerson puts it:

"The opinion of the million was the terror of the world, and it was attempted either to dissipate it by amusing nations, or to pile it over with strata of society—a layer of soldiers; over that a layer of lords, and a king on the top; with clamps and hoops of castles, garrisons, and police. The Fultons and Watts of politics, believing in unity, saw that it was a power; and by satisfying it (as justice satisfies everybody) through a different disposition of society,-grouping it on a level, instead of piling it into a mountain,—they have contrived to make of this terror the most harmless and energetic form of a state."

The truth of this is apparent in the efforts at reform which are conspicuous in America, and which can be traced directly to the democratic principle; in the concern of leading minds for the welfare of the people; in the examples of public spirit; in the consecration of talent to the general good; in the prevalence of "isms," a wild, but certain sign of aspiration after unattained excellence. A striking feature of moral reform in America is the participation in it of the best minds, the noblest souls, the

38

888

THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW.

men and women of choicest nurture and highest social position. Such feel most keenly their responsibility for the system they live under. They are not idlers, not place-hunters, not pleasure seekers, but free givers of time and strength to the cause of popular enlightenment and progress. These, though few, led the assault on slavery. These are champions of civil service equity. These try to get at the heart of socialism and kindred movements which enlist, in the Old World, the ignorant, passionate, thoughtless, who, having none to fight for them, fight for their own side. In America, to be gifted as a reformer is regarded as a privilege even by reformers themselves.

It has been said that the democratic principle, as commonly interpreted and exemplified, takes the moral fiber out of religion; and so, hitherto, it has done. But the natural must come before the spiritual; the sentimental precedes the intellectual. In the transition from theological dogmatism to intelligent truth, the way lies through aversion to definite opinions. Charity, which covers a multitude of sins, goes in advance of character, which is the fruit of spiritual ideas, and which presupposes thought; so that the present disintegration may prepare the religious mind for some worthier statement of doctrine. The broad church may yet serve as an introduction to the true church, which in due time will be established by the free endeavor of spirits at once enlightened and devout,-spirits that are more concerned to find what is true than what is comfortable, what will save than what will please. Thus the boundless freedom of our institutions will be made to work compensation for the slip-shod character of much of our speculation.

In fact, one can hardly say enough about the far-reaching tendency of the most cultivated men and women in our communities, whether writers, preachers, journalists, professors, or obscure toilers. A foreign physician of great distinction in his own country was so fascinated by the opportunity afforded in New York that he resolved to establish himself there, though his relatives lived in Germany, and his reputation as a specialist was fixed in Vienna, while here living was expensive and he had every thing to do. What a commentary on the educated Americans who turn their backs on their own country and live abroad because it is cheaper and easier!

All that can be justly claimed for the democratic idea is opportunity, but opportunity includes all promise; a word of