BITTER PARTY CONFLICTS.

445

made a serious attempt to embroil our government in the quarrels of their country. M. Genet was appointed minister of France to the United States. The chief object of his mission was to induce America to take sides with France; and the whole scheme was laid before the Secretary of State. But Washington gave it no encouragement, for he was determined that we should be involved in no European contests. Each member of the cabinet was consulted on the matter, and they unanimously recommended the President to issue a Proclamation of Neutrality. It was immediately done. The maxim then adopted for our government, was 'Friendship with all-entangling alliances with none.' We owe much of our prosperity as a nation to the adoption of this policy.' It has prevailed till the present time, and fatal will be the day when it is abandoned. But M. Genet had already reached Charleston on his way to the Capitol, and he was received with open arms everywhere by the Republican party. This excited high hopes for the success of his scheme, and he had the audacity to attempt to persuade the American people to embark actively in the great war then raging in Europe. He even arranged for fitting out privateers, in the port of Charleston, against British commerce, and in all his acts reduced himself from the high position of an ambassador, to that of an incendiary and a spy. At last Washington requested the French government to recall him, and appoint a more discreet man in his place. It was done. Congress applauded Washington's course, and it was approved by the nation. But a new spirit of animosity between the Republicans and Federalists was stirred up; and debates, correspondence, and newspapers were conducted with more asperity and venom at that period, than has ever since been witnessed.

Bitter Party Conflicts.-The Republicans accused the Federalists of monarchical tendencies-of a desire to form an alliance with England, our old enemy of hostility to the progress of liberal principles and free government in Europe; and by some of Jefferson's organs the grossest attacks were made upon Washington himself. Even his personal character did not escape the worst insinuations, while his motives were assailed, and the most offensive, unjust, and malignant satires were launched against his policy. On the other hand, the Federalists, who were none the less bitter, charged the Republicans as being the abettors of Robespierre, and the ferocious leaders who were

1 January 9, 1852.-Louis Kossuth, the Hungarian chief, called, with Gen. Lewis Cass, upon Henry Clay, while the latter lay sick in his room at Washington city. Mr. Clay listened patiently to his comments on the condition of Hungary and the situation of France, which Kossuth believed would provoke civil war, and perhaps a general revolution; and to avoid which, or control it for the greatest good, he hoped for the intervention of the United States in the affairs of Europe. Mr. Clay replied that no greater calamity could befall this government than this doctrine of intervention. The vital principle of this country, he said, rested upon its republican character, as seen in the capacity of its people for self-government, and in its practice of confin

ing its action to its own duties. Our example was one of Christian progress; and the United States, as the only living Republic, and example of man's capability for self-government, was bound to encourage progress and prosperity on this continent. All this would be endangered and destroyed by foreign wars, and with them all hopes of free institutions. Warming with the importance of his subject, as he proceeded, he stood erect, and with much emotion and touching emphasis, said: 'As a dying man, I oppose your doctrine of in tervention.' Grasping his hand, as he bade him fare. well, he said, 'God bless you and your family! God bless your country! May she yet be free!'-Collins' Hist. of Kentucky, vol. i. pp. 63, 64.

446

A SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND THREATENED.

drenching France in blood during her Reign of Terror-of entertaining and promulgating the most licentious views and principles of government, and even of a desire to upheave the foundations of the State, and shatter the whole structure of society.

None of these accusations were just on either side; and now that we are removed far enough from the disturbing influences of those times, we con template with regret the degradation to which great men and patriotic statesmen can descend, when their passions are lashed into fury by the excitements of the hour.

Insurgent Movements against Federal Authority suppressed.-From another quarter the stability of the government was seriously menaced. Americans abhorred taxation, and were not always willing to submit to it, even when levied by their own representatives to raise means to carry on their own government. In the district of Pittsburg, some seven thousand insurgents had collected to resist the law. The United States Marshal was seized, and other public officers maltreated. Washington dealt with these insurgents in a summary manner. He made requisitions upon Virginia, Maryland, New Jersey, and even Pennsylvania herself, for fifteen thousand militia. They were put under the command of Governor Lee, who marched to the revolted district, dispersed the insurgents, and asserted the supremacy of the law.

A Second War with England threatened. -Having overcome all these difficulties, Washington had still a more serious work before him. He found himself on the verge of a second war with England. It would have been strange indeed if, after the painful experiences of the late Revolution, the Americans could at once forget how many sacrifices the war of Independence had cost them, or bury in oblivion the barbarities which had characterized the course of their enemies during the struggle. Nor is it rational to suppose that a haughty empire could at once recover from the deep humiliation it had suffered in its defeat. Wise and good men, however, on both sides of the Atlantic, had done their best to soften these asperities, and inspire better feelings. But they found,-what has been found, and will in every age,that one bad man can do more mischief in a moment than a hundred good men can ever repair-that one unscrupulous writer can stir up more passions in an hour, than can be allayed in a generation. The newspapers in both countries, teemed with irritating articles and correspondence. The Americans were accused of defrauding the loyalists of the Revolution out of their property and estates, and preventing British subjects from recovering debts contracted before the Revolution. There was a show of justice in these accusations; but our public integrity was not seriously called in question; and in almost every instance the loyalists brought in extravagant claims, and prosecuted them in an offensive spirit. But the Americans also had just and wellfounded causes of complaint, not so much on individual, as on public account. One source of deep irritation consisted in the refusal of Great Britain to sur

ENGLISH ARROGANCE ON THE OCEAN.

447

render military posts along our northern frontier, and in the wilderness of the West. Nor did she ever, in all her dealings with us, from the foundation of the colonies, act more unwisely than in refusing promptly to comply with all the obligations she had assumed. From the Treaty of Peace, up to the time now spoken of, our frontier had been desolated by the Indian tribes of the North-west; and it was not denied, that after the perpetration of the bloodiest massacres, and the most atrocious cruelties upon our helpless frontiersmen, these savages had found safe and ready shelter from justice, when ever they returned from their incursions, to those same forts which belonged to us by virtue of the Treaty of 1783.

English Arrogance on the Ocean.-Another cause of complaint existed in the arrogant pretensions of Great Britain to the entire dominion of the sea. She was just reaching the period-so marked in her history-when the Commercial Policy, instead of the acquisition of territory, was to become the chief inspiration of her statesmanship; and to consummate her scheme she must become mistress of the ocean, even if it should end-as it ultimately did-in rousing the enmity of the world against her. This policy, involving the impressment of seamen, with the right to search our vessels, could not be conceded by our government; and it was the source of protracted and irritating debates, discussions, and diplomatic correspondence. Down to 1842, when Daniel Webster and Lord Ashburton made the celebrated Treaty of Washington, this question obtruded itself on every discussion. It blocked up the way to friendly and advantageous negotiations; and, like the sword of Damocles, it had hung menacingly over the head of English and American statesmen, whenever they met to talk about international affairs. England was ready to sacrifice almost anything to win the sovereignty of the seas, and she was now sweeping the great fleets of France from the ocean. The little navy of the United States was, in the aggregate, smaller than almost any one of England's twenty squadrons; and conscious of her relative strength, Britain presumed upon her superiority to assert principles which she has never been able to enforce towards this country, and which hereafter she will probably never attempt.

Firmness of Washington.-Our ministers pressed these considerations home upon the British government with great earnestness and power-but with no effect. Washington saw the necessity of adopting sterner measures, and, at his recommendation, Congress passed bills laying an embargo for thirty days-erecting forts and fortifications-raising an army, and organizing the militia in all the States. But while these vigorous measures were in progress, Mr. Jay was sent to London, April, 1794, to attempt to negotiate a treaty, which might avert, if possible, the horrors of a Second War with England. We have an authenticated account of the last conversation between Jay and Washington, before the minister left for his post. I have every confidence,' said the President, 'in your abilities for negotiation, and I have great confi. dence in the justice of our demands. You will, therefore, cause the British gov

448

WAR AVERTED BY JAY'S TREATY.

ernment most distinctly to understand that, much as we deprecate another collision with England, and enfeebled as we still are by the Revolutionary struggle, we can by no means submit to injustice; and if we are compelled to fight England the second time, we shall take good care to see that it shall not be a war of seven years.'

Mr. Jay was a skilful negotiator, and an accomplished man.1 He inspired the greatest respect, and he was received by the British government with unexpected cordiality. He negotiated a Treaty by which England was to give up the posts she had unjustly retained, and indemnify all parties concerned for illegal captures; while the United States were to hold three million dollars in trust for British subjects, to whom Americans were indebted. Mr. Jay also made every exertion to get England to abandon her claim to the right of searching American merchant vessels. But again, with the same shortsightedness of which we have accused the British ministers of a previous time, they refused to acknowledge what they were afterward compelled to assent to; and it was a source of deep regret; for the refusal in this case caused her war with the United States. But in the meantime, something had been gained, and it was perfectly certain that it would not be given up. In this respect our Government, under all administrations, has held to the policy never to take one step backward.

The Jay Treaty.-When Mr. Jay returned with the Treaty in 1795, it was immediately laid before the Senate, where it was the subject of protracted discussion in secret session. Through inadvertency or bad faith, an incorrectly printed copy got into circulation. The whole Treaty at once became the object of the deepest odium. Numerous petitions were presented against it; and on all sides Washington was prayed to withhold his signature. In this case, as in all others, he received every expression of the opinions of his fellow-citizens with perfect respect, and gave to them his impartial consideration. But he knew how much the young Republic needed repose, and this

Said Daniel Webster, in a speech at the City Hall, New York, March 10, 1831:-‘Another great man we number with the dead. I mean the pure, the disinterested patriot, John Jay. His character is a brilliant jewel in the sacred treasures of national reputation. Leaving his profession at an early period, yet not before he had singularly distinguished himself in it, his whole life, from the commencement of the Revolution until his final retirement, was a life of public service. The general learning and ability, and especially the prudence, the mildness, and the firmness of his character, eminently fitted Mr. Jay to be the head of such a court. When the spotless ermine of the judicial robe fell on John Jay, it touched nothing less spotless than itself.'

2 Fisher Ames.-The debates on that occasionthe confirmation of the Jay Treaty-developed talent of the highest order, and present a memorable epoch in the history of American politics and statesmanship. Albert Gallatin then established his title to the leadership of the Opposition in the House of Representatives; while Fisher Ames, in a speech of wonderful

power in favor of the Treaty and Administration, won for himself the laurels of an unrivalled orator. He was then in feeble health; and when he rose to speak, thin and pale, he could hardly support himself on his feet, and his voice was feeble. Strength seemed to come as he warmed with the subject, and his eloquence and wisdom poured forth as from a mighty and inexhausti ble fountain. So powerful was his speech, that a menber opposed to him moved that the question on which he had spoken be postponed until the next day, that they should not act under the influence of an excitement of which their calm judgment might not approve.' In allusion to this speech, John Adams bluntly said: the jackasses that occasioned the necessity of the ora'There wasn't a dry eye in the House, except some of tory.' Fisher Ames was born in Dedham, Massachu setts, in April, 1756. His health was delicate from infancy. He was so precocious that he commenced the study of Latin when six years of age, and was admitted to Harvard College at the age of twelve. He chose the law for a profession, and soon stood at the head of the bar in his native district. He was a warm advo cate of the Federal Constitution. He was the first representative of his district in the National Congress, He died on 4th of July, 1808, at the age of fortyeight years.-Lossing's Hist. Ü. S., p. 380:

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man, who was 'first in peace,' believing this Treaty to be the best we could get at the time, and that, on the whole, it gave us some advantages, he wrote his name to it in defiance of public clamor. Among its beneficial results were the allaying of hostile feelings between the two countries; increased facilities for negotiating treaties of peace with the western Indians, who could no longer take shelter in British fortifications; and the new impulse given to our commerce, by inspiring confidence in adventure.

Troubles with France.-The public affairs of France were still in confusion, for Napoleon Bonaparte had not yet laid his steadying hand upon the helm. Unwise counsels prevailed in the foreign, as well as in the domestic affairs of France. Irritated because she could not sway us from our policy of neutrality and non-intervention, her vessels commenced a series of depredations upon American commerce. Wherever her cruisers encountered our ships, they were overhauled or captured; and causes were in operation which seemed to threaten a war with our only Revolutionary ally. Both countries were ultimately saved from its curses by the wisdom of Napoleon.

Washington Retires from Public Life.-The time was now approaching for another Presidential election. The Constitution did not preclude the same man from repeated re-elections; yet Washington had resolutely determined to retire to private life, and leave the entire administration of national affairs in the hands of his successors-thus setting an example that established a precedent, which with all his successors has been as scrupulously respected as though it had been incorporated into the Constitution. He accordingly, with the aid of Alexander Hamilton, whom he always consulted on public affairs, sent forth to the people of the United States his immortal Farewell Address, which has ever been a law to the American people. Its closing words sunk deep into the heart of the nation :

"Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.

'Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellowcitizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government-the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward and trust of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers.'