THE ALLIANCE WITH FRANCE.

373

SECTION FIFTH.

ALLIANCE WITH FRANCE.

BUT that dark winter, which had witnessed all the terrors that frost, pes tilence, deprivation, and treachery could accumulate upon the devoted band of soldiers at Valley Forge and their commander, was drawing to a close, and Providence had been smiling upon our cause in other and distant scenes. Our privateers were sweeping British commerce from the sea. Upwards of five hundred English vessels had been captured since the Declaration of Independence, and at last the glad news came that the king of France had become our ally, and that the most chivalric of nations was about to join our standard. On the seventh of May salutes were fired from all the military stations of the United States, in honor of Louis XVI. and his gallant people. This treaty of amity and commerce recognized our absolute independence and sovereignty, and stipulated that neither nation should make truce or conclude peace with England without the consent of both; and that neither party should cease hostilities until England acknowledged the Independence of the United States. The American commissioners were then received with all the courtesy due to ambassadors from a friendly nation. M. Gerard was appointed minister to the United States, and Franklin, who remained in Paris, was, on the ratification of the treaty, appointed minister plenipotentiary from the now recognized Republic of the United States of America.

Immediate results of the Alliance.-It fell upon Great Britain like a bolt from heaven. It was hailed with joy by the small but powerful American party in Parliament and throughout the nation, while it filled the king, Lord North, and the entire ministry with mortification and dismay. A profound feeling of alarm pervaded the empire, which now seemed seriously. threatened with dismemberment. It was no longer a cluster of rebel colonies, nor even an insurgent nation. The gaunt spectre of a new Republic began to rise up beyond the Western waters, foreshadowing the dismemberment of the empire, and filling the loyal heart of the great Chatham himself with terror. Fired by the patriotism and pride of Englishmen from the days of Alfred, this grandest of all the champions of liberty and greatest of all the subjects of Britain, could not look with complaisancy on the separation of his beloved thirteen colonies from the old empire, and therefore he arrayed himself against American independence. But the clamor for reconciliation with America had now become so loud, that only a few days after the proclamation of the treaty with France, Lord North proposed a bill for the repeal of all Acts of Parliament obnoxious to Americans, that had been enacted since the close of the French and Indian War; and in the speech he

374

IMMEDIATE RESULTS OF THE FRENCH ALLIANCE.

made in support of his Resolution, he proposed to recognize the legal ex istence of the American nation, and treat with the national Congress as a legal body. This astounding measure seemed likely to bring all the friends of the Colonies to the side of the minister. They had desired to confer with Franklin-even to go to Paris to see if something could not be done to secure justice to America, and wind up the war-even if it were at the expense of recognizing the independence of the Republic. Once more poor Lord North had a hard struggle between his convictions of right, and his sense of loyalty to his king. He proposed two conciliatory measures, both of which passed, and received the approval of the king on the 11th of March. Chatham would have favored these bills; but when there seemed to be a disposition to recognize American Independence, rather than waste further blood and treasure, and involve the empire in a war with France and her ally Spain, thus entering on a conflict which threatened to array all Europe against her, the courage and patriotism of the great statesman revolted against the measure. The Duke of Richmond, large and liberal in his views, and wellknown as an advocate of the rights of the Colonies, approached Lord Chatham to win his approval of these bills, and urge for them the sanction of the House of Lords. But the heroic old patriot, unshaken in his purpose by the appeals of life-long friends who had stood firmly around him in his championship of liberty in other days, rejected the proposition with scorn. "On the 7th of April, wrapped up in flannel to the knees, pale and wasted away, his eyes still retaining their fire, he came into the House of Lords leaning upon his son William Pitt, and his son-in-law Lord Mahon. The peers stood up out of respect as he hobbled to his bench. The Duke of Richmond proposed and spoke elaborately in favor of an Address to the King, which in substance recommended the recognition of the independent sovereignty of the Thirteen revolted Provinces, and a change of administration. Chatham, who alone of British statesmen had a right to invite America to resume her old connection, rose from his seat with slowness and difficulty, leaning on his crutches, and supported under each arm by a friend. His figure was marked with dignity, and he seemed a being superior to all those around him. Raising one hand from his crutch, and casting his eyes towards heaven, he said: 'I thank God, that, old and infirm, and with more than one foot in the grave, I have been able to come this day to stand up in the cause of my country, perhaps never again to enter the walls of this House.' The stillness that prevailed was most affecting. His voice at first low and feeble, rose and became harmonious; but his speech faltered, his sentences were broken, his words no more than flashes in the midst of darkness, shreds of sublime but unconnected eloquence. He recalled his prophecies of the evils which were to follow such American measures as had been adopted, adding at the end of each, and so it proved.' He could not act with Lord Rockingham and his friends, because they persisted in unretracted error. With the loftiest pride he laughed to scorn the idea of an invasion of England, by Spain or by France. or by both. 'If peace cannot be preserved with honor, why is not

SYMPATHY OF FREDERIC OF PRUSSIA.

375

war declared without hesitation? This kingdom has still resources to maintain its just rights. Any state is better than despair. My Lords! I rejoice that the grave has not closed upon me; that I am still alive to lift up my voice against the dismemberment of this ancient and most noble monarchy.' The Duke of Richmond answered with respect for the name of Chatham, so dear to Englishmen; but he resolutely maintained the wisdom of avoiding a war in which France and Spain would have America for their ally. Lord Chatham would have replied; but after two or three unsuccessful efforts to rise, he fell backwards, and seemed in the agonies of death. Every one of the peers pressed round him, save only the Earl of Mansfield, who sat unmoved. The senseless sufferer was borne from the House with tender solicitude, to the bed from which he never was to rise."1

Sympathy of Frederic of Prussia.—It was certain now that the National Congress would no longer be obliged to struggle on under the same poverty and embarrassments, since the chief obstacle to the triumph of the American arms was soon to be removed by a powerful ally. The ministry knew that the public sentiment of Europe was with America-that Frederic of Prussia held the policy of the British cabinet and their military management in Amer. ica in utter contempt-that he despised the purchase of German troops for the American campaign, and would render no encouragement to so degrading a policy. In the instructions which he gave to his ambassadors to Great Britain and France, as we now read them, we discern a surprising foresight and sagacity of statesmanship. During the autumn of 1777, he said to Goltz, his ambassador to Louis XVI., 'You can assure M. Maurepas that we have no jealousies of the aggrandizement of France; we even put up prayers for her prosperity, so long as her arms are not found on our borders-that I have no connection whatever with England-that I begrudge France no advantages she may gain by the war in aid of the American colonies; her first interest requires the enfeeblement of Great Britain, and her shortest road to this is to strip her of her colonies in America. The present is the most favorable opportunity that ever was presented, and none more favorable will probably occur for three hundred years. The independence of the American States will be worth more to France than the war with England will cost.' In speaking of the overthrow of Burgoyne, in connection with Howe's successes, Frederic said: "These triumphs of Howe are only for a day. The ministry could no longer stand if the ancient spirit of English liberty had not degene rated. They can get money-thirty-six millions easier than I can a single florin; but where will they get twenty thousand men? Neither Sweden nor Denmark will furnish them. Being at variance with Holland she will get no help there. If she applies to the small princes of the German Empire, she will find their force already too much absorbed. England made an awkward mistake in the beginning in going to war with her colonies. I agree with Chatham that England's ill success is due to the ignorance, rashness, and in1 Bancroft, vol. ix., pp. 494, 495.

376

FRIENDSHIP of the QUEEN OF FRANCE.

capacity of the ministry. The chief source of the decay of Great Britain, can be found in the departure of its present government so radically from the principles of British history. All the efforts of the king tend to despotism.'

Frederic's Prophecy of the Independence of the Colonies.-The reinforce. ments which the ministry designs to send to America, will not change the aspect of affairs, for independence will always be the indispensable condition of an accommodation. All good judges agree with me, that if the colonies remain united, the mother country will never subjugate them.'

Maurepas had asked Frederic's opinion about the possible chances of a war, and which side Russia would take. 'As for Russia,' said Frederic, 'there is no cause of apprehension of her interference; the chances are, a hundred to one, in favor of the immense advantages France will reap in entering into the American alliance; and the chances are equally great that the colonies will maintain their independence.' Frederic was right about Russia, for she received the news of the alliance of the old Carlovingian kingdom with the young Republic, with joy, and has maintained from that hour her friendship for the United States. The warrior-king nowhere concealed his sympathy with the Americans. He tried to dissuade the German princes from furnishing England with any more troops, nor would he let them pass through his dominions. He had neither force nor ships to defend American cruisers if they should enter his port of Embden; but at Dantzic, in the Baltic, he offered them hospitality. He extended to the American commissioners every facility for purchasing arms and ships in his kingdom, and in the beginning of 1778, his minister officially informed our commis sioners that 'the king desires to see your noble efforts crowned with success, and he will not hesitate to recognize your independence when France, which is more directly interested, shall have given the example.' Although Lord North could have had no access to such state papers, yet he must have been as fully informed through his agents, of the feelings and the policy of Prussia and Russia, as he was of the hearty sympathy of the people of Europe with the fortunes of the American republic.

The Friendship of the Queen of France.-Franklin at the Court.-Nowhere did we have a more brilliant or persuasive advocate than in Marie Antoinette. This heroic, but most unfortunate Princess, was known to await the reception of Franklin at the court of France, with the utmost impatience, for she longed to make some demonstration of sympathy for the cause of republicanism as represented in his illustrious person. On the 20th of March, the cominissioners were presented to the king at Versailles. The Patriarch appeared 'dressed in the plain gala coat of Manchester velvet which he had used at the levee of George III.—the same which, according to the custom of that age, he had worn-as it proved for the last time in Eng land as agent for Massachusetts when he had appeared before the Privy Coun cil-with white stockings, as was the use in England, spectacles on his nose

FRANKLIN AT THE PALACE AND THE ACADEMY.

377

white hat under his arm, and his thin gray hair in its natural state.' It mat tered not how his colleagues were dressed; the fact is only noticed somewhere, that all the observation they attracted was owing to the glitter of their lace, and the quantity of their powder. Franklin was the observed of all observers he meant America. After the audience of the king, the com. missioners paid a visit to the young wife of Lafayette, whose gallant husband had already become the idol of our people, and was still in that distant land fighting our battles.

Franklin at the Queen's Drawing-Room.-Two days later came the audience of the queen in her drawing-room, when, in the presence of the noblest and most beautiful women of the court, every possible demonstration of admiration and respect was paid to the venerable American. The fash ionable world went crazy over Franklin. The opera and theatres were crowded with brilliant audiences, who rose to receive him, and they rang with the wildest applause. No prince or conqueror ever swayed so magical a power over that gay and brilliant capital. The whole world did him homage.

Franklin at the Academy.-When he was received at the Academy, D'Alembert the president, hailed him as the being who had 'wrenched the thunderbolt from the heavens, and the sceptre from the tyrants.' 'How grand a thought!' exclaimed Malesherbes, 'that they have founded institu tions in America which have elevated the printer-boy and the son of a tallowchandler, to mould their institutions and guide their diplomacy.' There was no better judge in such matters than John Adams, who said of Franklin, at this time, Not Leibnitz or Newton, not Frederic or Voltaire, had a more universal reputation; and his character was more beloved and esteemed than that of them all.'

Franklin among the People.-From the throne to the humble cot of the peasant; from the savans and the scholars; from the statesmen and the enthusiasts for liberty, to the idlest 'man of the world,' were showered upon this greatest of all living men, all the honors which mankind can bestow upon their benefactors; and something far more admirable than all, he sustained the great weight with calmness, simplicity and self-possession. His modesty disclaimed any tributes of admiration of himself. He received. every token of love and adoration, as a tribute paid to his native land now passing through the fires of a revolution, to establish freedom for all mankind. It would seem, without exaggeration, to have been among the most signal dispensations of a supreme Providence, that two such men should have been raised up to be the guardians of our fortunes in the two hemispheres, as George Washington and Benjamin Franklin.

After this, we shall be greeted with more sunshine than cloud during the revolutionary struggle. A new strength will nerve the arm of every patriot when he is striking down oppression. New faith will strengthen the heart