pularity of a man who was at once a stranger, a republic➡ an, and a heretic.

Any material alteration in the opinions and prejudices of a whole nation took much longer time in former ages to be brought about. Since material alterations in the public opinions may, for reasons which are so obvious that they need not be pointed out, be effected with infinitely more rapidity than heretofore, it is of more importance now than ever for all governments, particularly those of free countries, to be alert in attending to these alterations as they occur, that they may be able in time to preclude the mischiefs which arise from the current of public opinion bearing one way, and the measures of government another; for, to maintain tranquillity, one of two things must be done: a minister must either adapt his measures to the public opinion; or, which is a much more difficult task, and requires very uncommon talents to accomplish, he must turn round the public opinion in favour of his measures which task, difficult as it is, has sometimes been performed with infinite ability and address.

No minister of this stamp had appeared for a long time in France. The general sentiments of the nation had been flowing for several years in opposition to the nature of the existing government. Many ancient institutions, established by power, cemented by craft, and venerated by superstition, were now looked on as ridiculous, and complained of as oppressive. A few well-judged concessions and alterations, had they been made in time, might have proved satisfactory, and restored tranquillity. But old grievances remained unredressed, new sources of complaint were daily springing up, and such an accumulation of discontent had been formed as obscured the political hemisphere, and threatened an approaching storm.

The vessel of the state never was in a more shattered condition, never was assailed by more violent storms, and never had been intrusted to a pilot less qualified for steering her through the sand-banks and rocks among which she was involved.

The archbishop of Toulouse, although he might have foreseen all the dangers he had to encounter, before he took such pains to supersede M. de Calonne, seemed not to have dicovered them till after he was minister, and to have been deprived of all presence of mind as soon as they opened to his view. He adopted measures equally weak and inconsistent. First he assumes an air of courage, and tries to strike terror by the parade of a bed of justice, and by banishing the parliament. He then recalls the parlia ment, and seems disposed to court and conciliate the mem. bers; and immediately afterwards he quarrels with them again, seizes two of their number, and sends them to distant prisons. But on finding that those rigorous measures no way intimidated the people, who still continued to re sist, he himself became intimidated, and suddenly quitted the helm. The archbishop seems in point of courage to have been such a minister as Ancient Pistol was a soldier -fierce and swaggering to a yielding foe, but ready to fly from a Barbary hen, if her feathers turn back in any shew of resistance.

CHAPTER V.

Exhibition in the Street-M. Necker-Political Pamphlets—Opinions respecting the Number of Deputies of the Tiers-EtatSearch for Precedents-Second Assembly of the NotablesFrench Parliaments-The Notables give their Opinion-The States-General are constituted on a different Plan-The Minister's Motives for this.

THE hatred of the Parisians to their late minister, and their joy at his disgrace, appeared by certain exhibitions in the streets of Paris, which are characteristic of a French mob. Some of these scenes were of a ludicrous nature, and some faintly typify the wanton and atrocious transac tions on the same theatre at subsequent periods.

A number of idle people, having dressed the stuffed fi. gure of a man in the robes of an archbishop, carried it

through the streets in procession to the place of execution, where it was to be publicly burnt; and some of the mob perceiving an ecclesiastic among the spectators, laid hold of him, called him Abbé Vermon and father confessor to the archbishop, and having obliged him to mimic the ceremony of confessing a condemned criminal, they threw the effigy of the minister into the flames. When the populace were preparing to repeat this piece of mummery the next day, the military were ordered to interfere the consequence was, that several people were killed and more wounded.

Every incident that tended to irritate the minds of the people against the executive power was particularly unfortunate at this time, when the states-general were about to be assembled.

A considerable number of men convened together, with powers delegated by the nation at large, for the express purpose of reforming abuses, naturally communicate courage and a spirit of enterprise to each other; and where many grievances are to be redressed, what was intended merely for the purpose of reformation is exceedingly likely to be the cause of a revolution.

The former minsters had foreseen this, and therefore used every art to preclude, and afterwards to postpone, the convention of the states. The most effectual means would have been a timely reformation of the most oppressive abuses; but this had been neglected. No measure was adopted for reforming any, until they were forced into this scheme for reforming all.

The scene which had been acted in the streets of Paris, at the execution in effigy of the archbishop, was imitated in the provinces, where various tumults occurred. Some blood was shed, and a general insurrection was dreaded : but the replacing M. Necker in the office he had formerly held, put an end to those apprehensions, and gave an almost general satisfaction all over the nation.

M. Necker was a citizen of Geneva, bred a banker; and in that business at Paris he accumulated a very large

fortune, sustaining the character of a man of integrity. His fortune enabled him, and his inclination prompted him, to live in a style at once splendid and hospitable; his house was frequented by men of rank and by men of letters. His education, according to the custom of his country, had been more of a literary nature than it is usual in other countries to give to those who are bred to what is called business; he cultivated his taste for letters in the intervals of business ever after; he was thought to have just, extensive, and philosophical ideas on the subjects of commerce and finance; to be an able calculator, and indefatigable in business; his greatest enemies have not been able to injure his reputation for probity.

At a time when the finances of France were in great disorder, it is not surprising that a man of such a character, and so connected, should be thought of as a proper person to regulate them: yet it has been asserted, that he owed his appointment to the office of director of the finance to the recommendation of M. de Pezay, who had great influence with M. de Maurepas the prime minister, and whose recommendations are said to have been sometimes very expensive to obtain.

This took place several years previous to the revolution. The public had the highest expectation from the measure; for M. Necker's talents had been praised with an exaggeration which the enthusiasm of the moment alone could have rendered credible.

If any attempted to insinuate that the office was too high and confidential for a foreigner, a banker, and a heretic, those very circumstances were retorted as proofs of the wisdom of placing him in it; for what else, it was said, but the most superlative abilities could have made a foreigner, a banker, and a heretic, be thought of as minister of France?

Notwithstanding his situation, however, M. Necker had no immediate communication with the king in the way of his office, it being part of the duty of M. Ta

boureau, the controller-general of finance, to communi、 cate on that business with his majesty: but the superior knowledge of M. Necker, or perhaps the prevailing opinion that he possessed a superior knowledge, was so mortifying to M. Taboureau, that he resigned his office; which placed M. Necker in the situation he earnestly de,

sired.

Soon after he had been appointed director-general, he suppressed the offices of intendants des finances, which were occupied by members of the king's council. The enemies of M. Necker have asserted, that his only reason for this reform was, that he did not find those gentlemen sufficiently convinced of his superior talents; for there was nothing saved to the public by this reform, because the value of the places was paid to each of those gentlemen, and the interest of the money was nearly equal to the emoluments of the office.

M. Necker, thus gratified in the desire of communicating directly with the king on the business of his office, still found himself excluded from the council of state. His religion prevented his taking the oath exacted of all before they could be admitted into that council, He did not relish this exclusion, and imagined that his credit with the public, and the need which he conceived the council had for the lights which he could throw on their deliberations, would prevail on his majesty to dispense with the oath in his particular case. He therefore thought proper to address the king by letter, representing the inconveniences which arose from his not being personally at the council, and requesting that he might be admitted in future.

M. Maurepas had been for some time displeased with M. Necker. He represented the request as arrogant; and to M. Necker's astonishment and mortification, instead of being admitted into the cabinet-council, he was dismissed from the administration.

However surprised he and his friends were at a disgrace so unexpected, he did not lose the hope of being