of its wealth, to the favour of the monarchs and to the neighbourhood of the court, and unquestionably will lose more by the continuation of the republican form of government than any part of France.

In the account of these excesses transmitted to the provinces, their cause was always assigned to a dreadful conspiracy against the national assembly and the national freedom, which had been carried on by the court and a part of the nobles. This account was industriously spread, and occasioned similar excesses in various provinces of France. Those of whom the municipal councils were composed being accused of favouring the old government, new common councils were appointed in many of the towns, consisting of men supposed to be of the most patriotic principles. The peasantry rose against certain unpopular noblemen, burned their castles, obliged them to fly for their lives, and a general rage against the noblesse seemed to spread all over the kingdom.

This proceeded, no doubt, in a considerable degree from the inferior order of people becoming more and more licentious by impunity and the hopes of pillage; but its becoming so universal forms a strong presumption also of a sense of oppression and ill-usage received by the peasants from their lords.

It is most fervently to be hoped, that, in Great Britain, government will always have sufficient energy to maintain the laws in force, and equally to protect the high from the seditious violence of the low, and the low from the insolent oppression of the high: but if, from whatever cause, this island were subjected to some political convul sion, and the populace excited against the higher orders of society, I am persuaded that the nobility and gentry of England, so far from being attacked with peculiar rancour by the peasantry of their own estates, would in general be protected and defended by them.

The

The yeomanry of England are a class of men, to which no other country has any thing exactly similar. farmers of land love and respect the country gentlemen

and nobility of Great Britain, and have more reason to do so than the same set of men in any other nation. What is this owing to? In Great Britain popularity is of more consequence to a gentleman or nobleman than it was in France before the revolution, or is at present in Germany and other European countries. There are many, no doubt, who would shew attention and hospitality to their neighbours in the lower ranks of life, from the mere sentiments of benevolence and generosity; but it has been observed, that nothing has more influence in keeping those sentiments alive in the bosoms of the great, than their having something to ask or expect from the favour of the little. This is the case in England, at least once in seven years. The love and attachment of the county in which he lives is not only soothing to the heart, but also worthy of the ambition of the greatest nobleman of Great Britain. It increases his political importance, whether he supports or opposes the measures of administration. It is much to be feared, that those are apt to neglect and even despise the people, who think that they can do them neither good nor harm. The inferior orders in France had been long in this state of neglect and even contempt; when by the revolution they found that this was no longer the case, they were so impatient to prove it, that they began by doing mischief to shew that they were now of some importance. Liberty would be a greater blessing to a people who have been long in servitude, if it could be given by degrees: when it is obtained too suddenly, instead of being salutary, it is sometimes noxious-like victuals served up in profusion to men half famished, the consequence of which is often surfeit, and sometimes death.

CHAPTER XIII.

M. Necker is recalled-His triumphant Reception at Paris-re commends a general Amnesty-displeases the Sections-Some Members of the Assembly blame the conduct of M. Necker, who begins to lose his Popularity-Disorders all over France-The National Assembly greatly alarmed-Decrees of the fourth of August-The Duke of Rouchefoucalt-Sacrifices made by the Clergy.

M. NECKER, who had left France in obedience to the king's order on the 11th of July, had passed by Brussels, and arrived at Basle on his way to Coppet near Geneva. He there received the letters from the king and national assembly, requesting his return to the situation he had just quitted in the administration.

M. Necker has taken great pains to be considered by the world in the light of a philosopher as well as a minister of state. It is fortunate for philosophers, that they can do pretty well without being ministers of state; but it is very unfortunate for a minister of state not to be somewhat of a philosopher. It is probable that he will have frequent occasions for the exercise of philosophy during his administration, and he will stand in need of a great deal of it, in case he should be turned suddenly out of it. After the universal obsequiousness to which ministers have been accustomed while in office, the wonderful alteration which they experience on their removal, however natural it may seem to the rest of the world, generally is so shocking to them, that instead of philosophers it is apt to make them misanthropes. There are, however, books in abundance in the library of every minister, tending to shew the folly of ambition, the inquietudes attending power, and how infinitely preferable a life of tranquillity and retirement is.

The love of power is perhaps more deeply rooted in the heart of man than any of his affections, and often survives them all; it is stronger than friendship; for we see

even those who are counted honest men abandon their friends to enjoy it: it is stronger than hatred; for we see men connect themselves with their enemies for the same purpose. And we have been assured, that the friends of M. Necker endeavoured to confirm him in the resolution of retirement, by pointing out the danger of resuming his office among a people so unsettled and so liable to excesses as the French; but notwithstanding all the remonstrances of his friends, and all his own philosophy, instead of proceeding to Coppet, he determined to return to Paris.

The signs of esteem and attachment which were exhibited in every village and town through which he passed in his way from Basle to Paris, the transports of joy which the Parisians manifested, and their acclamations on his entering their city, with the very honourable reception he met with from the national assembly, must have been peculiarly gratifying, and no doubt rendered him highly satisfied with his determination of returning; which, however, he soon after had much reason to repent. M. Necker has been accused of being too fond of the noisy applause of the multitude. The visit he made to the capital immediately after he had waited on the king and the national assembly has been imputed by many to a desire of prolonging the pleasure he took in hearing his own praise. But even the enemies of M. Necker allow, that he is a man of distinguished humanity. His impatience to visit Paris, therefore, may naturally be assigned to the desire of saving the life of M. Bezenval. As his intentions were known, he was waited for at the barrier by a multitude of the inhabitants; the streets and windows were crowded with admiring spectators; while his carriage was drawn to the Hotel de Ville, it was beheld with the same appearance of respect as the shrine of Genevieve, the tutelar saint of Paris, was formerly, when carried in procession through the streets. At the Hotel de Ville M. Necker was received by the electors with every mark of profound respect; the populace from all

parts of the city hurried to obtain a sight of the admired minister. He was requested to appear at the balcony, to gratify the multitude which filled the Place de Greve; and to render their gratification complete, his wife and daughter had the goodness to appear with him, one on the right, the other on the left. What rendered this sublime spectacle entirely new, was, that a man and his wife were hardly ever seen in public together at Paris. It required a revolution in the state, and all M. Necker's popularity, to prevent an exhibition so contrary to established manners from seeming ridiculous in the eyes of Parisians. So far from appearing ridiculous, M. Necker, although his wife was at his side, was beheld by the people in the square with the most enthusiastic admiration: His holiness himself, when from the balcony of St. Peter's he pronounces his benediction on the adoring multitude beneath, was never more loudly and more perseveringly applauded.

After returning from the balcony to the hall, M. Necker's first care was to inform the electors, that on his way to Paris having heard that Baron de Bezenval, commander of the Swiss guards, had been arrested by the militia of Villenaux, he had written in the baron's favour to the municipal officers of that town; but they had delayed setting him at liberty without an order from the permanent committee of the Hotel de Ville.

After relating those particulars, M. Necker gave the most honourable testimony regarding the character of M. Bezenval; representing how unjust it would appear in the eyes of all Europe to detain a meritorious officer as a prisoner, when he was on his way home by the leave of the king; and entreated, that orders might be immediately sent for releasing him. Perceiving that his proposal was approved of, and that the audience were in a cheerful and humane disposition, he proceeded in a pathetic and eloquent manner to lament the disorders which had already taken place, and to recommend a genera amnesty as the surest means of restoring tranquillity, and infinitely the