in order to get out of the narrow lines of orthodoxism, especially the statements concerning the Scriptures and salvation through Christ. The inerrancy and infallibility of the Bible are not laid down in the Standards, and were not believed by many members of the Westminster Assembly. The mediation of Christ, which is grounded in his incarnation, and includes the offices of prophet, priest, and king, is reduced by orthodoxism to his sacrificial death, and even thus He is regarded as the victim rather than as the priest. It is claimed, in like manner, that there is neglect of the doctrines of the Living God, Creation, the Forgiveness of Sin, Adoption, Sanctification, Repentance unto Life, and Assurance of Grace, and a meagre conception of the Sacraments.

The principal, if not the only, defects in the symbols pertain, in Dr. Briggs's opinion, to the doctrine of decrees, and the limitation of the divine electing grace. The Confession is wrong in dooming a portion of those who die in infancy to perdition, together with all the heathen, except a few incapables. As no scholar in America has so thorough an acquaintance with the proceedings of the Westminster Assembly and the opinions of its divines as Dr. Briggs has attained, he will not be disputed concerning the changes and departures indicated. The book will also weaken the attacks made upon his own opinions by some Presbyterian divines and scholars, so far as the attacks are directed to his departures from the creeds of the church. It will be seen that this work has a peculiar interest for Presbyterians, an interest which is intensified by the boldness and severity of criticism directed against several distinguished and living divines, with some of whom Dr. Briggs is intimately associated as editor and professor.

A wider interest is felt in his statements concerning the Scriptures and the intermediate state. His views on the inerrancy and infallibility of the Bible have already been explained in his well-known book entitled "Biblical Study," and are here restated more briefly, with some severe strictures on those who would rest the authority of the Bible on its absolute freedom from error. "What an awful doctrine to teach in our days when Biblical criticism has the field! What a peril to precious souls there is in the terse pointed sentence, 'A proved error in Scripture contradicts not only our doctrine, but the Scripture claims, and therefore its inspiration in making those claims!' No more dangerous doctrine has ever come from the pen of men. It has cost the church the loss of thousands. It will cost us ten thousand and hundreds of thousands unless the true Westminster doctrine is speedily put in its place. This false doctrine circulates in a tract bearing the impress of the Presbyterian Board of Publication, among our ministers and people, poisoning their souls and misleading them into dangerous error.' This is turning the tables on the critics of higher criticism with a vengeance.

The most cautious part of the book concerns eschatology. The author condemns, indeed, the doctrine of a private judgment at death as leaving no significance to the public judgment at the end of the present dispensation. He attacks also the doctrines of a premillennial coming of Christ, and also of a definite millennium yet in the future before his coming. He places the work of sanctification largely in the intermediate state, but assumes that the initiation of salvation may, in all cases, occur during the earthly life. This assumption is based on the opinion that the present life is not a probation at all. He admits that if this life is "If this life be a probation,

a probation the middle state must also be.

then there is no ground in the Scriptures, or in the Westminster symbols, or in sound reason, why this probation should not be extended into the middle state for those who have had no probation here. I have examined all the arguments adduced by Dr. Morris and others in support of their position that probation stops with death, and find that these will not bear criticism." The correct doctrine, according to Dr. Briggs, is that the probation of the race was in Adam; that now the race is a lost race, not on probation at all, but with an opportunity of salvation; and that the great problem is to redeem as many as possible. But this is precisely what is meant by a Christian probation. Those who have it are on probation chiefly in the sense that they have an opportunity to accept Christ. Because those who die in infancy can have no probation in this life, Dr. Briggs, in company with Dr. Prentiss, whom he quotes, jumps to the conclusion that this life cannot be a probation, and that a probation is not necessary to salvation. This is a mere playing on the word probation, and does not recognize the significance of Christian probation. Dr. Briggs holds that regeneration in all cases, even in the case of infants, occurs in the present life. All other stages of redemption may belong to the intermediate state, - the conscious beginnings of spiritual life, justification by faith, adoption, assurance, sanctification, everything but regeneration. "We have already seen that the divine grace is not confined to this world, that sanctification by the divine grace must continue in the middle state. But we see no reason why the divine grace may not regenerate all the elect before they leave this world. If the divine grace may be applied to the millions of infants dying in infancy, why not also to millions of adult heathen?" But what proof is there that those dying in infancy are regenerated before death? And can we argue from innocent infants to adult heathen? "With regard to infants dying in infancy, we can understand that the dynamic work of regeneration has been wrought; but how can we conceive of the drawing to Jesus Christ, the answer to the call, the embracing of the grace freely offered, and the exercise of faith?" What is to be understood by dynamic regeneration, of which the subject is unconscious, and of which the drawing to Christ, etc., are the consequence rather than the condition? Why not say the magical or the unintelligible act of regeneration? "The relief is to be found in a more comprehensive view of redemption, and an extension of the gracious operations of God into the middle state, between death and resurrection, where the order of salvation, begun for infants and others in regeneration, may be conducted through all the processes of faith, adoption, sanctification by repentance, and glorification in love and holiness; in the communion of God and the Messiah." The only reason for refusing regeneration, or the initiation of the order of salvation, a place in the middle state, while all that is intelligible in salvation may go forward there, is an apparent reluctance on the part of the author to admit that any individual, even an infant or a heathen, who is in a lost or unregenerate state at death, can be brought into a saved or regenerate state after death. But why the initiation as well as the entire development of the new life may not occur there he leaves unexplained. And if that which is radical and decisive for salvation is in all cases accomplished before death, is there not private judgment at death, and does not the public judgment lose its significance? And why the doctrine of divine electing grace, through which some of those who are lost, and are not on probation, will be redeemed, necessarily throws the beginning, and

the beginning only, of the salvation of the elect into the earthly life is not so much as suggested. The author is worthy of all commendation, however, in demanding liberty of opinion on these subjects, and in contending that it is impossible to frame a theodicy unless the extension of God's grace to the intermediate state is recognized.

Space cannot be taken to notice the interesting scheme under which Dr. Briggs thinks it possible and desirable, though not at present probable, that the Christian union of Protestants with each other and of all with Catholics may be realized.

It is needless to say that from supporters and from opponents of its opinions the book "Whither" is having a warm reception.

George Harris.

INSTITUTES OF ECONOMICS. A Succinct Text-Book of Political Economy for the use of Classes in Colleges, High Schools, and Academies. By ELISHA BENJAMIN ANDREWS, D. D., LL. D., President of Brown University, late Professor of Political Economy and Finance in Cornell University. Pp. xii, 228. Boston: Silver, Burdett & Co. 1889. Introductory price, $1.30.

The publication of a new text-book of Political Economy is amply justified by the unsettled condition and rapid advance of the science. Men who received their college training in it ten years ago find themselves already members of a bygone school of thought. The book before us brings the science down to date, and in this respect justifies itself. Furthermore, the manner in which the subject is presented is altogether new and admirable. The chapters are short, and aim at being suggestive rather than discursive. The leading statements are marked by Roman numerals, and the catch-words are leaded. Frequent references are made to explanatory notes, in small type, which are usually upon the same page. To each chapter is prefixed a list of authorities, with section or page. These references are very complete, particularly as regards the latest German and French authorities. This feature of the book will be of great value to teachers and mature students. Half the literature of Political Economy is inaccessible at any desired moment from the absence of just such an index of authors with detailed references. Moreover, the index is immensely more valuable because it accompanies each subject and chapter, instead of being prefixed to the entire work. With President Andrews to guide him, a serious studen: can find fresh inspiration from constant contact with the first-rate thinkers in Political Economy. This feature of the book should be especially appreciated by clergymen, many of whom need just such guidance in their solitary studies. It is a service of double value just now, when every thoughtful clergyman must inform himself upon Political Economy and Sociology. Nor has the brief rather than discursive method of treatment less to commend it. It is a common experience with teachers that the memory is apt to carry away no definite idea from a wordy and exhaustive paragraph, simply because the author leaves pupils no chance to think for themselves-doing it all for them. The process of explaining and justifying President Andrews's brief statements cannot but impress them upon the mind of both teacher and pupil― certainly it will lead both to think seriously. Probably in practice the leaded type will be found helpful in arresting the attention and aiding the memory, particularly with younger students. The notes have the great merit of being both learned and interesting. They are largely illustrative, and are always to

the point. The slightly scholastic tendency of style - cf. page 1 - disappears as the author proceeds.

In the subject-matter President Andrews has certainly shown a sound sense for facts and their meaning. We know of no book of its class that is as satisfactory. One fears to look into the writings of a Germantrained economist lest he find a sentimentalist and socialist. But President Andrews is neither. He believes in the government undertaking certain enterprises. "Government can do much for the betterment of economic conditions without attacking the property rights or becoming dangerously paternal." Yet "in all economic activity the presumption is in favor of individual liberty and free competition (laissez faire), rightfulness of public intervention in no case admissible save after proof." The current craze of "Nationalism" finds no support from him. "We see insuperable obstacles to the launching of the system as advocated, and insufferable evils sure to spring from it if launched. It would (I) dangerously concentrate power, (II) abate thrift in some while promoting it in others, and (III) repress that marvelous inventiveness, enterprise, and daring in industrial undertakings which only the hope of great personal profit will at present induce in men."

His views upon international trade are by no means German, that is, protectionist, yet they are eminently fair and candid. He justly repudiates Walker's "Residual Claimant" theory of wages, and his treatment of the general subject is admirable. It is refreshing to find a chapter upon the neglected topic of economic "Consumption." A subject-index would have added much to the value of a book that is sure of a hearty welcome from teachers and thoughtful students.

D. Collin Wells.

AMERICAN STATESMEN BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. BY JOHN T. MORSE, JR., author of "Life of John Adams," "Life of John Quincy Adams," "Life of Thomas Jefferson," etc. Pp. vi, 428. Boston and New York: Houghton, Mifflin & Co. 1889. $1.25.

This is not a book that one feels enthusiastic over, whether the fault is in the biographer or the subject. Franklin is not exactly one to draw out any astonishing glow of enthusiasm. A great man, assuredly, sane and kindly, effective to the last fibre, for his city, his country and himself. Self-forgetfulness has not always a very great present reward, which is doubtless one great reason why, besides its reward above, it has such a reward of loving remembrances. It is not precisely this that Benjamin Franklin inherits. But who is not proud of having handled his rude little electrical machine, and having peeped through the open space in the wall of Arch Street cemetery upon the two flat stones that bear the names of the unromantic couple resting beneath? It has been well said that Penn's "Holy Experiment" never fairly fruited for Philadelphia until Franklin came, and gave her libraries, and lamps, and fire-engines, and the Pennsylvania Hospital, and the University of Pennsylvania, and a more active political and intellectual life, all without disturbing that quiet friendliness which makes a fortnight in the Quaker City so deep a bath of repose.

The author shows by Franklin's conduct in the matter of provisioning Braddock's troops, that though he was a man of canny prudence, he was anything but a man of selfish prudence, but was quite ready to run the risk of ruining himself for the public good. He was emphatically the

Good Citizen. It is not likely that he would ever have brought about the detachment from England. But neither dangers nor labors (meaning so much more to a man of his age) were too much for him in the great enterprise of giving his country her independent life. Mr. Morse remarks that it is hard to say whether Washington was in more desperate straits at Valley Forge or Franklin in Paris, trying to raise endless moneys for a loose-jointed Confederation whose Congress had no securities to offer, and no power to offer them had they existed. Franklin's woes, however, do not cut quite as deep into our hearts as the burdens of Washington and the bleeding feet of the heroes of Valley Forge. The pleasures and flatteries of Paris were something of a solace, no doubt, to the venerable sage, who enjoyed himself among Voltairian wits as few Americans could have done. And during his previous years of colonial agency in London he found an enjoyment in the brilliant society always open to him that rendered his strenuous services to his native and his adopted colony none the less valuable, but somewhat the less exhausting. His long absences from Mrs. Franklin he bore with as easy a philosophy as in due time he bore the loss of her.

The author is right in saying that, after all that Benjamin Franklin had done for America, so much at home, and so much more abroad, by his efforts, and still more by his great name, it would have been against all the proprieties for him to die before he had seen the Confederation a nation. The rickety thing worries and exasperates us all through the dismal greatness of the achievements into which it groans, as if it were not our own country. And with every new biographical turn of the kaleidoscope the Continental Congress seems to become more exasperatingly incompetent. Certainly we ought to learn by it not to despise the present, when we see what can come out of what. The ineffable meanness of the Congress towards Franklin was merely in keeping with the

rest.

The biographer says, very truly, no doubt, that Poor Richard has done a great deal to set the American character. It might have been set in a higher key, certainly. But there is a healthy largeness in Franklin which gives to Poor Richard a touch of ideality that makes it a true Epic of Pelf.

The author, in various parts of the little book, takes perhaps rather superfluous pains to assure us that Dr. Franklin was on very pleasant speaking terms with Christianity, as indeed he was. The naive absurdity of his assurance that Franklin had the Christian virtues detached from the Christian tenets may be left to contrast very favorably with the clumsy ridiculousness of Mr. Parton's description of him as the Great Christian of his age. Had the Gospel of God never flown a higher flight than in the works and life and essential character of Poor Richard, "the seal of originality" which Renan concedes to it would never have been heard of. Indeed, the Gospel would never have been heard of. It is enough that he was a kindly, deeply serviceable, not unbenignant, illustrious man, of singular worthiness and completeness within his eminent range, of whom his country may well be proud; above all, Boston that bore him, and Philadelphia that owes her second birth to him. There are greater things than the Genius of Common Sense, but, after all, the state of the world rests upon it.

ANDOVER.

Charles C. Starbuck.