in good part. The vices of authority are chiefly | part of an orator? he answered, action: what four; delays, corruption, roughness, and facility. next? action: what next again? action. He said For delays give easy access: keep times appoint- it that knew it best, and had by nature himself no ed; go through with that which is in hand, and advantage in that he commended. A strange interlace not business but of necessity. For cor- thing, that that part of an orator which is but suruption, do not only bind thine own hands or thy perficial, and rather the virtue of a player, should servant's hands from taking, but bind the hands be placed so high above those other noble parts of of suitors also from offering; for integrity used invention, elocution, and the rest; nay almost doth the one; but integrity professed, and with alone, as if it were all in all. But the reason is a manifest detestation of bribery, doth the other; plain. There is in human nature generally more and avoid not only the fault, but the suspicion. of the fool than of the wise; and therefore those Whosoever is found variable, and changeth mani- faculties by which the foolish part of men's minds festly without manifest cause, giveth suspicion is taken, are most potent. Wonderful like is the of corruption; therefore, always when thou chang-case of boldness in civil business; what first? est thine opinion or course, profess it plainly, and boldness: what second and third ? boldness: And declare it, together with the reasons that move thee yet boldness is a child of ignorance and baseness, to change, and do not think to steal it. A ser- far inferior to other parts; but nevertheless, it doth vant or a favourite, if he be inward, and no other fascinate, and bind hand and foot those that are apparent cause of esteem, is commonly thought either shallow in judgment or weak in courage, but a by-way to close corruption. For roughness, which are the greatest part: yea, and prevaileth it is a needless cause of discontent; severity with wise men at weak times: therefore we see it breedeth fear, but roughness breedeth hate. Even hath done wonders in popular states, but with reproofs from authority ought to be grave, and not senates and princes less; and more, ever upon taunting. As for facility, it is worse than bribery; the first entrance of bold persons into action for bribes come but now and then; but if impor- than soon after; for boldness is an ill keeper of tunity or idle respects lead a man, he shall never promise. Surely as there are mountebanks for be without; as Solomon saith, "To respect per- the natural body; so are there mountebanks for sons is not good, for such a man will transgress the politic body; men that undertake great cures, for a piece of bread." It is most true that was and perhaps have been lucky in two or three exanciently spoken, "A place showeth the man; periments, but want the grounds of science, and and it showeth some to the better and some to therefore cannot hold out: nay, you shall see a the worse;"" omnium consensu capax imperii, bold fellow many times do Mahomet's miracle. nisi imperasset," saith Tacitus of Galba; but of Mahomet made the people believe that he would Vespasian he saith, "solus imperantium, Ves- call a hill to him, and from the top of it offer up pasianus mutatus in melius;" though the one his prayers for the observers of his law. The was meant of sufficiency, the other of manners people assembled: Mahomet called the hill to and affection. It is an assured sign of a worthy come to him again and again; and when the hill and generous spirit, whom honour amends; for stood still, he was never a whit abashed, but said, honour is, or should be, the place of virtue; and "If the hill will not come to Mahomet, Mahomet as in nature things move violently to their place will go to the hill." So these men, when they and calmly in their place, so virtue in ambition have promised great matters and failed most is violent, in authority settled and calm. All shamefully, yet (if they have the perfection of rising to great place is by a winding stair; and boldness) they will but slight it over, and make if there be factions, it is good to side a man's self a turn and no more ado. Certainly to men of whilst he is in the rising, and to balance himself great judgment, bold persons are a sport to bewhen he is placed. Use the memory of thy pre- hold; nay, and to the vulgar also boldness hath decessor fairly and tenderly; for if thou dost not, somewhat of the ridiculous: for if absurdity be it is a debt will sure be paid when thou art gone. the subject of laughter, doubt you not but great If thou have colleagues, respect them; and rather boldness is seldom without some absurdity; call them when they looked not for it, than exclude especially it is a sport to see when a bold fellow them when they have reason to look to be called. is out of countenance, for that puts his face into Be not too sensible or too remembering of thy a most shrunken and wooden posture as needs it place in conversation and private answers to must; for in bashfulness the spirits do a little go suitors; but let it rather be said, "When he sits and come; but with bold men, upon like occasion, in place he is another man." they stand at a stay; like a stale at chess, where it is no mate, but yet the game cannot stir: but this last were fitter for a satire than for a serious observation. This is well to be weighed, that Ir is a trivial grammar-school text, but yet boldness is ever blind; for it seeth not dangers worthy a wise man's consideration. Question and inconveniences: therefore it is ill in counsel, was asked of Demosthenes what was the chief good in execution; so that the right use of bold XII. OF BOLDNESS. persons is, that they never command in chief, but | give it to the poor, and follow me;" but sell not be seconds and under the direction of others; for in counsel it is good to see dangers, and in execution not to see them except they be very great. XIII OF GOODNESS AND GOODNESS all thou hast except thou come and follow me; that is, except thou have a vocation wherein thou mayest do as much good with little means as with great; for otherwise, in feeding the streams, thou driest the fountain. Neither is there only a habit of goodness directed by right reason; but there is in some men, even in nature, a disposition towards it; as on the other side, there is a natural malignity; for there be that in their nature do not affect the good of others. The lighter sort of malignity turneth but to a crossness, or frowardness, or aptness to oppose, or difficileness, or the like; but the deeper sort to envy, and mere mischief. Such men in other men's calamities, I TAKE goodness in this sense, the affecting of the weal of men, which is that the Grecians call Philanthropia; and the word humanity (as it is used) is a little too light to express it. Goodness I call the habit, and goodness of nature the inclination. This of all virtues and dignities of the mind is the greatest, being the character of the Deity : and without it man is a busy, mischie- | are, as it were, in season, and are ever on the loadvous, wretched thing, no better than a kind of ing part: not so good as the dogs that licked vermin. Goodness answers to the theological Lazarus' sores, but like flies that are still buzzing virtue charity, and admits no excess but error. upon any thing that is raw; misanthropi, that The desire of power in excess caused the angels make it their practice to bring men to the bough, to fall the desire of knowledge in excess caused and yet have never a tree for the purpose in their man to fall: but in charity there is no excess, neither gardens, as Timon had; such dispositions are the can angel or man come in danger by it. The in- very errors of human nature, and yet they are clination to goodness is imprinted deeply in the the fittest timber to make great politics of; like nature of man; insomuch, that if it issue not to- to knee timber, that is good for ships that are orwards men, it will take unto other living crea-dained to be tossed, but not for building houses tures; as it is seen in the Turks, a cruel people, who nevertheless are kind to beasts, and give alms to dogs and birds; insomuch, as Busbechius reporteth, a Christian boy in Constantinople had liked to have been stoned for gagging in a waggishness a long-billed fowl. Errors indeed, in this virtue, of goodness or charity, may be committed. The Italians have an ungracious proverb, "Tanto buon che val niente;" "So good, that he is good for nothing:" and one of the doctors of Italy, Nicholas Machiavel, had the confidence to put in writing almost in plain terms, "That the Christian faith had given up good men in prey to those that are tyrannical and unjust;" which he spake, because, indeed, there was never law or sect or opinion did so much magnify goodness as the Christian religion doth; therefore to avoid the scandal and the danger both, it is good to take knowledge of the errors of an habit so excellent. Seek the good of other men, but be not in bondage to their faces or fancies; for that is but facility or softness, WE will speak of nobility first as a portion of which taketh an honest mind prisoner. Neither an estate, then as a condition of particular pergive thou sop's cock a gem, who would be better sons. A monarchy where there is no nobility pleased and happier if he had a barley-corn.* The example of God teacheth the lesson truly; He sendeth his rain, and maketh the sun to shine upon the just and the unjust;" but he doth not rain wealth, nor shine honour and virtues upon men equally; common benefits are to be communicated with all, but peculiar benefits with choice. And beware how in making the portraiture thou breakest the pattern: for divinity maketh the love of ourselves the pattern; the love of our neighbours but the portraiture: "Sell all thou hast and See note G, at the end of the Essays. that shall stand firm. The parts and signs of goodness are many. If a man be gracious and courteous to strangers, it shows he is a citizen of the world, and that his heart is no island cut off from other lands, but a continent that joins to them: if he be compassionate towards the afflictions of others, it shows that his heart is like the noble tree that is wounded itself when it gives the balm: if he easily pardons and remits offences, it shows that his mind is planted above injuries, so that he cannot be shot: if he be thankful for small benefits, it shows that he weighs men's minds, and not their trash: but, above all, if he have St. Paul's perfection, that he would wish to be an anathema from Christ for the salvation of his brethren, it shows much of a divine nature, and a kind of conformity with Christ himself. XIV. OF NOBILITY. at all, is ever a pure and absolute tyranny, as that of the Turks; for nobility attempers sovereignty, and draws the eyes of the people somewhat aside from the line royal; but for democracies they need it not; and they are commonly more quiet and less subject to sedition, than where there are stirps of nobles; for men's eyes are upon the business, and not upon the persons; or if upon the persons, it is for the business' sake, as fittest, and not for flags and pedigree. We see the Switzers last well, notwithstanding their diversity of religion and of cantons; for utility is their bond, "Illam Terra parens, irâ irritata Deorum, Extremam (ut perhibent) Coo Enceladoque sororem and not respects. The united provinces of the Low Countries in their government excel; for where there is an equality the consultations are more indifferent, and the payments and tributes As if fames were the relics of seditions past; more cheerful. A great and potent nobility but they are no less indeed the preludes of seditions addeth majesty to a monarch, but diminisheth to come. Howsoever he noteth it right, that sepower, and putteth life and spirit into the people, but presseth their fortune. It is well when nobles are not too great for sovereignty nor for justice; and yet maintained in that height, as the insolency of inferiors may be broken upon them before it come on too fast upon the majesty of kings. A numerous nobility causeth poverty and inconvenience in a state, for it is a surcharge of expense; and besides, it being of necessity that many of the nobility fall in time to be weak in fortune, it maketh a kind of disproportion between honour and means. ditious tumults and seditious fames differ no more but as brother and sister, masculine and feminine; especially if it come to that, that the best actions of a state, and the most plausible, which ought to give greatest contentment, are taken in ill sense, and traduced: for that shows the envy great, as Tacitus saith, "conflata, magna invidia, seu bene, seu male, gesta premunt." Neither doth it follow, that because these fames are a sign of troubles, that the suppressing of them with too much severity should be a remedy of troubles; for the despising of them many times checks them best, and the going about to stop them doth but make a wonder long lived. Also that kind of obedience, which Tacitus speaketh of, is to be held sus mandata imperantium interpretari, quam exequi ;" disputing, excusing, cavilling upon mandates and directions, is a kind of shaking off the yoke, and assay of disobedience; especially if in those disputings they which are for the direction speak fearfully and tenderly, and those that are against it audaciously. As for nobility in particular persons, it is a reverend thing to see an ancient castle or building not in decay, or to see a fair timber tree sound and perfect; how much more to behold an an-pected: "Erant in officio, sed tamen qui mallent cient noble family, which hath stood against the waves and weathers of time? for new nobility is but the act of power, but ancient nobility is the act of time. Those that are first raised to nobility are commonly more virtuous, but less innocent, than their descendants; for there is rarely any rising but by a commixture of good and evil arts; but it is reason the memory of their virtues remain to their posterity, and their faults die with themselves. Nobility of birth commonly abateth industry; and he that is not industrious, envieth him that is; besides noble persons cannot go much higher and he that standeth at a stay when others rise, can hardly avoid motions of envy. On the other side, nobility extinguisheth the passive envy from others towards them, because they are in possession of honour. Certainly, kings that have able men of their nobility shall find ease in employing them, and a better slide into their business; for people naturally bend to them as born in some sort to command. XV. OF SEDITIONS AND TROUBLES. SHEPHERDS of people had need know the calendars and tempests in state, which are commonly greatest when things grow to equality; as natural tempests are greatest about the equinoctia; and as there are certain hollow blasts of wind and secret swellings of seas before a tempest, so are there in states; Also, as Machiavel noteth well, when princes, that ought to be common parents, make themselves as a party and lean to a side: it is, as a boat that is overthrown by uneven weight on the one side; as was well seen in the time of Henry the Third of France; for first himself entered league for the extirpation of the Protestants, and presently after the same league was turned upon himself: for when the authority of princes is made but an accessary to a cause, and that there be other bands that tie faster than the band of sovereignty, kings begin to be put almost out of possession. Also, when discords, and quarrels, and factions, are carried openly and audaciously, it is a sign the reverence of government is lost; for the motions of the greatest persons in a government ought to be as the motions of the planets under "primum mobile," (according to the old opinion,) which is, that every of them is carried swiftly by the highest motion, and softly in their own motion; and, therefore, when great ones in their own particular motion move violently, and, as Tacitus expresseth it well, liberius quam ut imperantium meminissent," it is a sign the orbs are out of frame: for reverence is that wherewith princes are girt from God, who threateneth the dissolving thereof; "solvam cingula regum." "Ille etiam cæcos instare tumultus Sæpe monet, fraudesque operta tumescere bella." Libels and licentious discourses against the state, when they are frequent and open; and in like sort false news often running up and down, to the So when any of the four pillars of government disadvantage of the state, and hastily embraced, are mainly shaken, or weakened, (which are reli are amongst the signs of troubles. Virgil, giv-gion, justice, counsel, and treasure,) men had ing the pedigree of Fame, saith she was sister to need to pray for fair weather. But let us pass the giants: from this part of predictions, (concerning which, nevertheless, more light may be taken from that which followeth,) and let us speak first of the materials of seditions, then of the motives of them, and thirdly of the remedies. and well-balancing of trade; the cherishing of manufactures; the banishing of idleness; the repressing of waste and excess, by sumptuary laws; the improvement and husbanding of the soil; the regulating of prices of things vendible; the moderating of taxes and tributes, and the like. Generally, it is to be foreseen that the population of a kingdom (especially if it be not mown down by wars) do not exceed the stock of the kingdom which should maintain them: neither is the population to be reckoned only by number; for a smaller num Concerning the materials of seditions, it is a thing well to be considered; for the surest way to prevent seditions, (if the times do bear it,) is to take away the matter of them; for if there be fuel prepared, it is hard to tell whence the spark shall come that shall set it on fire. The matter of seditions is of two kinds, much poverty and much discontentment. It is certain, so many overthrown | ber that spend more and earn less, do wear out an estates, so many votes for troubles. Lucan noteth well the state of Rome before the civil war, "Hinc usura vorax, rapidumque in tempore fœnus, This same "multus utile bellum," is an assured and infallible sign of a state disposed to seditions and troubles; and if this poverty and broken estate in the better sort be joined with a want and necessity in the mean people, the danger is imminent and great; for the rebellions of the belly are the worst.. As for discontentments, they are in the politic body like humours in the natural, which are apt to gather a preternatural heat and to inflame; and let no prince measure the danger of them by this, whether they be just or unjust: for that were to imagine people to be too reasonable, who do often spurn at their own good; nor yet by this, whether the griefs whereupon they rise be in fact great or small; for they are the most dangerous discontentments where the fear is greater than the feeling: "Dolendi modus, timendi non item:" besides, in great oppressions, the same things that provoke the patience, do withal mate the courage: but in fears it is not so; neither let any prince, or state, be secure concerning discontentments because they have been often, or have been long, and yet no peril hath ensued; for as it is true that every vapour, or fume, doth not turn into a storm, so it is nevertheless true, that storms, though they blow over divers times, yet may fall at last; and as the Spanish proverb noteth well, "The cord breaketh at the last by the weakest pull." The causes and motions of seditions are innovation in religion, taxes, alteration of laws and customs, breaking of privileges, general oppression, advancement of unworthy persons, strangers, dearths, disbanded soldiers, factions grown desperate; and whatsoever in offending people join eth and knitteth them in a common cause. For the remedies, there may be some general preservatives, whereof we will speak: as for the just cure it must answer to the particular disease; and so be left to counsel rather than rule. The first remedy, or prevention, is to remove, by all means possible, that material cause of sedition whereof we speak, which is, want and poverty in the estate; to which purpose serveth the opening | estate sooner than a greater number that live lower and gather more; therefore the multiplying of nobility,* and other degrees of quality, in an over proportion to the common people, doth speedily bring a state to necessity; and so doth likewise an overgrown clergy, for they bring nothing to the stock; and, in like manner, when more are bred scholars than preferments can take off. It is likewise to be remembered, that forasmuch as the increase of any estate must be upon the foreigner, (for whatsoever is somewhere gotten, is somewhere lost,) there be but three things which one nation selleth unto another; the commodity, as nature yieldeth it; the manufacture; and the victure, or carriage; so that if these three wheels go, wealth will flow as in a spring tide. And it cometh many times to pass, that "materiam superabit opus," that the work and carriage is more worth than the material, and enricheth a state more; as is notably seen in the Low Countrymen, who have the best mines above ground in the world. Above all things, good policy is to be used, that the treasure and monies in a state be not gathered into few hands; for, otherwise, a state may have a great stock, and yet starve: and money is like muck, not good except it be spread. This is done chiefly by suppressing, or, at the least, keeping a strait hand upon the devouring trades of usury, engrossing, great pasturages, and the like. For removing discontentments, or at least the danger of them, there is in every state (as we know) two portions of subjects, the nobles and the commonality. When one of these is discontent, the danger is not great; for common people are of slow motion, if they be not excited by the greater sort; and the greater sort are of small strength, except the multitude be apt and ready to move of themselves: then is the danger, when the greater sort do but wait for the troubling of the waters amongst the meaner, that then they may declare themselves. The poets feign that the rest of the gods would have bound Jupiter, which he hearing of, by the counsel of Pallas, sent for Briareus, with his hundred hands, to come in to his aid: an emblem, no doubt, to show how safe it is for monarchs to make sure of the good will of common people. * See note H, at the end of the Essays. To give moderate liberty for griefs and discontentments to evaporate (so it be without too great insolency or bravery) is a safe way: for he that turneth the humours back, and maketh the wound bleed inwards, endangereth malign ulcers and pernicious imposthumations. The part of Epimetheus might well become Prometheus, in the case of discontentments, for there is not a better provision against them. Epimetheus, when griefs and evils flew abroad, at last shut the lid, and kept hope in the bottom of the vessel. Certainly, the politic and artificial nourishing and entertaining of hopes, and carrying men from hopes to hopes, is one of the best antidotes against the poison of discontentments; and it is a certain sign of a wise government and proceeding, when it can hold men's hearts by hopes, when it cannot by satisfaction; and when it can handle things in such manner as no evil shall appear so peremptory but that it hath some outlet of hope: which is the less hard to do: because both particular persons and factions are apt enough to flatter themselves, or at least to brave that, they believe not. Also the foresight and prevention, that there be no likely or fit head whereunto discontented persons may resort, and under whom they may join, is a known, but an excellent point of caution. I understand a fit head to be one that hath greatness and reputation, that hath confidence with the discontented party, and upon whom they turn their eyes, and that is thought discontented in his own particular which kind of persons are either to be won and reconciled to the state, and that in a fast and true manner; or to be fronted with some other of the same party that may oppose them, and so divide the reputation. Generally the dividing and breaking of all factions and combinations that are adverse to the state, and setting them at distance, or, at least, distrust among themselves, is not one of the worst remedies for it is a desperate case, if those that hold with the proceeding of the state be full of discord and faction, and those that are against it be entire and united. I have noted, that some witty and sharp speeches, which have fallen from princes, have given fire to seditions. Cæsar did himself infinite hurt in that speech," Sylla nescivit literas, non potuit dictare;" for it did utterly cut off that hope which men had entertained, that he would one time or other give over his dictatorship. Galba undid himself by that speech, "legi a se militem, non emi ;" for it put the soldiers out of hope of the donative. Probus, likewise, by that speech, "si vixero non opus erit amplius Romano imperio militibus;" a speech of great despair for the soldiers, and many the like. Surely princes had need in tender matters and ticklish times, to beware what they say, especially in these short speeches, which fly abroad like darts, and are thought to be shot out of their secret intentions; for as for large discourses, they are flat things, and not so much noted. Lastly, let princes, against all events, not be without some great person, one or rather more, of military valour, near unto them, for the repressing of seditions in their beginnings; for without that, there useth to be more trepidation in court upon the first breaking out of troubles, than were fit; and the state runneth the danger of that which Tacitus saith, "atque is habitus animorum fuit, ut pessimum facinus auderent pauci, plures vellent, omnes paterentur:" but let such military persons be assured, and well reputed of, rather than fac tious and popular; holding also good correspondence with the other great men in the state, or else the remedy is worse than the disease. XVI. OF ATHEISM. I HAD rather believe all the fables in the legend, and the Talmud, and the Alcoran, than that this universal frame is without a mind; and, therefore, God never wrought miracle to convince atheism, because his ordinary works convince it. It is true, that a little philosophy inclineth man's mind to atheism, but depth in philosophy bringeth men's minds about to religion;* for while the mind of man looketh upon second causes scattered, it may some times rest in them, and go no further; but when it beholdeth the chain of them confederate, and linked together, it must needs fly to providence and Deity: nay, even that school which is most accused of atheism doth most demonstrate religion; that is the school of Leucippus, and Democritus, and Epicurus: for it is a thousand times more credible that four mutable elements, and one immutable fifth essence, duly and eternally placed, need no God, than that an army of infinite small portions, or seeds unplaced, should have produced this order and beauty without a divine marshal. The Scripture saith, "The fool hath said in his heart, there is no God;" it is not said, "The fool hath thought in his heart;" so as he rather saith it by rote to himself, as that he would have, than that he can thoroughly believe it, or be persuaded of it; for none deny there is a God, but those for whom it maketh that there were no God. It appeareth in nothing more, that atheism is rather in the lip than in the heart of man, than by this, that atheists will ever be talking of that their opinion, as if they fainted in it within themselves, and would be glad to be strengthened by the consent of others: nay more, you shall have atheists strive to get disciples, as it fareth with other sects; and, which is most of all, you shall have of them that will suffer for atheism, and not recant; whereas, if they did truly think that there were no such thing as God, why should they trouble themselves? Epicurus is charged, that he did but dissemble for his credit's sake, when he affirmed there were *See note 1, at the end of the Essays. |