"I speak of Peace,' while covert enmity, Under the name of safety, wounds the world."

This British Foreign Minister, in 1829, being of" stable mind," the steed having been stolen, carefully locks the door, and "protests" the key into his pocket. The Russian ambassador, who hath appropriated the quadruped, at one door assures his jockeyed friend, "that in case of success, the Emperor would be under an obligation to consult his allies, and that a definite state of things would not be established without their assent and concurrence;" and at the other lets the feline occultation out of the bag, by writing to his brother professor in this Fagan-ic school of diplomacy:

"It is in the midst of our camp that peace must be signed. Europe must learn its conditions only when it is concluded. Remonstrances will then be too late, and it will patiently suffer what it can no longer prevent!"

It was after this astounding perfidy, made public in the interval to all Europe, that came the assurances, in both Houses of Parliament, before the close of the session of 1853 (and which assurances sufficed to obtain the withdrawal of the motions of Lord Clanricarde and Mr. Layard), of the perfect confidence of Government in the good faith and upright intentions of the Emperor of Russia! We may possibly have some similar protestations at the opening of next session (?) but Russian good faith, and upright intentions, and longanimity" are not quite in such favour in the olfactory nerves of the British public; nor is Lord Aberdeen.

As regards the future of British intercourse with the East-the Danube, the Caucasus, Trebizond, Central Asia, and Persiaa few words may suf fice. It is happy for England that in this case her interests coincide with

her honour. The Russian views, however, as bearing on the Zolverein and the Danube, may be worth reproducing to the commercial statesmanship and intelligence of the West. The fol lowing extracts are from the pen of Dr. Nebenius, published in Germany:

"The Asiatic commerce of Russia stands both directly and indirectly in competition with the intercourse which the western countries, including North America, entertain in various ways with that quarter of the globe which surpasses all the rest in size and density of population. The Levantine, East Indian, and Chinese trade of the English, North American, French, and Dutch, has not yet so deeply felt the results of the competition of the Russian land-trade extending far into Asia, from the frontier walls of the Chinese empire to the Caspian and Black Seas, as it ultimately must, from the vastly increasing means of this colossal empire.

"The acquisition in 1829 of a district of 10,000 square miles, inhabited by nomadic tribes, has promoted its connexion with the interior of Asia, and particularly with Bukhara; and though the British East Indian trade has not been much decreased, yet, in the opinion of many, even the position of Russia threatens the British dominion in that quarter. Its speedy destruction is not probable; and the contingency, when it arises, will spring out of internal disturbances; but it is to be hoped that the active emulation in peaceful undertakings of both powers will promote progress in the East, and that the balance shall preponderate in favour of Russia."

This is a precious revelation! What a pity that these magnificent aspirations of Russian ambassadors and German professors should be unceremoniously knocked on the head! But the Professor continues :

"England, who turns all Asia into a source of profit, supplying, by means of Smyrna, Trebizond, and the Persian Gulf, the markets of Asiatic Turkey, Persia, and the neighbouring countries, is now seeking to extend her China trade even to the northern coasts of that empire; while for the longer passage of the Indian Sea, she substitutes the Euphrates, or a railroad across the Isthmus of Suez. In opposition to this, Russia will not fail to take advantage of every facility presented by her position, and the extension of her dominions in Asia. But the most effectual means is to open a passage to German commerce, so as conjointly to reap the harvest of British commerce, which contributes nothing to the Russian transit and carrying trade. By handing it over to Germany, its own transit and carrying trade would be much benefited; and the means

are in her hands by the navigation of the Danube in connexion with Trebizond."

"Fas est et ab hoste doceri." The political professor reveals some further information, not without value to the commercial interests of England :—

"It is clear that to obtain this end there must take place a mutual decrease of duties between Prussia and Russia. Russia will find an equivalent in the produce of its Trans-Caucasian provinces, particularly silk and cotton; and in the increasing demand for the produce of those countries, it will find the surest means for a more rapid development of its productions and its power. The Russian land-trade will rival the sea-trade only in so far as it can offer European goods cheaper in the Asiatic market; and the more active the intercourse upon the whole line of transports, the more economical will be the exchanges. The time is come which invites to this concurrent enterprise, and a series of favourable events promise rapid results. These are the extension and the strengthening of the Russian dominion on the Black Sea; the acquisition of the eastern ports of the same sea, confirmed by the peace of 1829; the decided dependence of the Persian empire; the exclusive navigation of the Caspian; the recently-effected complete subjugation of the Caucasian tribes; and finally, the extension of the Russian dominion, which within these few years has spread its frontiers eastward from the Caspian, and nearer to the British possessions in India, 280 leagues.

"The re-establishment of that ancient channel of commerce through the Black Sea, and in connexion with the Danube, would give to Europe the important advantage in its intercourse with Asia, of having entire independence of the naval powers. If the time should ever again return when Great Britain shall rule the ocean, and enact a maritime law dictated by her own exclusive advantage, the Black Sea, at least, will be closed to her, and commerce with that division of the world will not only remain undisturbed, but furnish us in great abundance with all the produce she can offer us herself, or prevent us by a blockade from obtaining. We need but call to remembrance the years 1808 and 1812, particularly with respect to cotton, to perceive the full importance of this matter."

These are the doctrines disseminated by Russian employés through Europe and Asia. It is high time to put a new face on the matter, and the present is the opportunity. But it is at home we must begin. We have seen here,

as regards the past, sufficient sample of the sacrifice of British interests in the transactions since 1829 between Russia and Great Britain, in the matter of the Danube and the Black Sea. Nor is it in our interests alone that we have suffered. We have not had left us even the consolation of Francis at Pavia. "Tout est perdu, sauve l'honneur." Such has been the past, such will be the future, unless Britain's councils are guided by intelligence and courage equal to her destiny, her fortunes, and her duties.

There is, however, yet more to be said of the Danube's past and the Danube's future. Let us turn from the frailties of fair "Diplomacy," and ask, what has become of Diplomacy's truer, though neglected and ill-used sister (in fact, Diplomacy's Cinderella)—Geography? Her worth may yet have to be appreciated, and the matter of the direct communication of the Danube with the Black Sea at Kustardji, may be a valuable illustration of the fact:

"The great watercourse and highway of nations, leading into the very centre of Germany, running in nearly a straight line from the centre of Hungary, to within a few miles of the coast, suddenly turns up to the north, and after a devious and intricate course, loses itself through shallower channels, amongst noxious marshes, in the Black Sea. Its useless wanderings extend a hundred and fifty miles, carrying it away from the direction of its usefulness, and bringing its navigation within autumn's fatal miasmata and winter's icy chains. The winding of the river lengthens the voyage two or three hundred miles; but the difference in time has to be calculated by months. The marshy nature of the country through which the crews have to track the vessels to the ports of shipment, occasions loss of life; and the accumulation of sand at the only mouth necessitates the unloading of vessels of any size. Political and sanitary obstacles affect vessels of every class and nation; and consequently the freights are so much increased as to amount to a charge of fifty per cent. on the staple produce of the country."†

A single glance at the map suggests the question, What has become of the seven mouths of the Danube? How is it that the manifest intentions of Providence and the indubitable records of antiquity alike bear witness against the

short-comings and ignorance of the self-sufficient age which boasts of its "enlightenment" and "progress"? Where is now the ancient water communication through the Nile, between the Mediterranean and the Red Sea, when, with truth, it might be said :. "From heaven itself, through seven fold, Nilus flows, And harvests on a hundred realms bestows."

Above all, what hath happened unto the ancient and direct passage of the Danube into the Black Sea? That direct, but lost channel, would, if restored, give the boundless and inestimable resources of the Danube direct to western Europe; and for all practi cal purposes, would give a maritime coast to the inland countries of Transylvania, Servia, and Hungary; a direct supply to the wants, and a direct market for the wares and fabrics of the teeming industry of England and France. Twice has this channel been surveyed by most competent government engineers (1844 and 1850), and its practicability and inexpensiveness ascertained. The Austrian engineers (in 1844) estimated the expense of the more costly of the projects (that for a ship-canal for the large Austrian steamers, which was the plan of the Austrian Lloyd Company) under half a million sterling. It is, however, as far as French and English (and Turkish) interests are concerned, by no means necessary that the canal should be for sea-going ships. If for smaller vessels, the expense would be reduced one-half, as the facilities afforded by the Lake of Carasou could in that case be taken advantage of. This would also be more consonant with Turkish interests (which have some small right to be consulted in the matter, and which also, as it happens, coincide here with our own), for "a new class of vessels would arise, which would penetrate high into the interior; and by short and rapid voyages, transfer at small cost the produce of the Danubian provinces to Constantinople. These small vessels would also be capable of being tracked by their crews against the currents of the Bosphorus, where the large sea-going vessels are sometimes detained for months

"

"By restricting the dimensions of the canal, the purpose of the larger one would be more than attained without its expense; works at Kustendji would no longer be required, for these hoys would be able to enter

at once the basin opening on a tideless sea. The coast is not exposed to the dangers of the other portions of the Euxine. Fogs, low, invisible coasts, deceptive appearances, or a current setting on shore, render perilous every other frequented port, such as the mouths of the Danube, Odessa, Taganrog, and the entrance of the Bosphorus. The current here sets off shore, the land is not low, and is well defined; against the prevailing westerly and northerly winds there is shelter; with a southerly wind there is no danger in making the coast; the holding ground is good. At the present rate of exportation, 2000 of these crafts would be required; making five or six trips in the year, they would employ 15,000 seamen. The enterprise would thus be reduced to very manageable proportions, and the character of the workmanship brought nearer to the level of what the country can supply. We may, then, be safe in setting down the cost as not above £2000 per mile for cutting, or, £1000 for dredging, banking, pile-driving, &c., on the Lake of Carasou, which would bring the expense under £60,000 for the line itself. The entire expenditure would be amply covered by £200,000.

"The western coast of the Black Sea is difficult and inabordable. The canal would, in a great measure, be deprived of its utility, if there were no port and no shelter for vessels at the point where it meets the sea; but it so happens, that at that very point a headland runs out to the eastward, affording shelter. The ruins, no less than ancient reports, show that it has been a place of importance; although from the shoaling of the water, and the drifting of the sands, it is now of comparative insignificance, it might be made, at very little cost, to serve for the purposes of the canal.

Everything consumed by 10,000,000 of people; every article produced on 60,000 square miles of arable land, would pass through it. A considerable portion of what is consumed by another 16,000,000 of people, and the larger amount of the exported produce of their 120,000 square miles, would also pass through it. With this latter country (Hungary) traffic is actually impeded, as regards imports, by the Austrian tariff; but this new opening would change that tariff. The states of Austria, Gallicia, Bohemia, the Hereditary States, and Bavaria, would feel, more or less, the benefit of this eastern passage to the sea, affording to them new markets and new supplies.

"Even in Europe, railways are not found to pay for traffic alone. Here the merchan dise is of the heaviest kind, and the lowest value; the great export of the provinces of less value than coal in England. The distance is double that of the canal. The capital required would be, at least, six times greater; and the traffic of the canal would not pass over it. The profits of the enterprise, and its value to Turkey, must depend

on admitting sea-going vessels in the Danube, or on bringing the vessels of the Danube to the sea. One of the chief sources of profit would be rafts of timber, which never could support transit by rail. It was this last consideration that induced the council to negative the project of the railroad."

These details have already extended to an unexpected length; and it is necessary to omit, or postpone, many others of a not less important character, bearing not only on the interests of England in this matter, but on those of her fellow-labourer in the field, and her joint participator in the fruits field of glory - but fruits of peace .France. But to the eyes of French statesmen and chiefly their first and greatest they must already have presented themselves; and, noble as has been the conduct of France throughout, beneficial and glorious will be her first-fruits of the reward.

France and England are about to receive into their hands the stewardship of the destinies of Eastern Europe and Western Asia.

That gift is either the golden fruit of Justice, Union, and Peace, or it is the fatal and irremediable curse of the apple of Discord. Few words suffice where truth is so self-evident. It is the first step that tells: one false step now on either side, from cupidity, or jealousy, or false suspicion, and Europe will rue the day which saw the bright promise dawn of the now glorious alliance of France and England. Shall the time ever come, or is it possible that it may come quickly, when the ennobling sentiments and reminiscences which now link the hearts of England and France on the pride-shorn heights of Alma, shall be debased into the grovelling and inhuman ferocities of low suspicion, mean jealousy, tigrine bloodthirstiness, and mutual

fiendish hate? Shall the two mightiest sister nations the sun has ever risen and set upon, when before them is the path to walk through, hand in hand, diffusing and receiving countless blessings, turn these now clasped and generous hands with suicidal madness against each other's life? Not while there remains one sane man among Britain's honest race or France's chivalrous sons. One, now, in their truest interests; one in every higher aim and nobler aspiration, their own will be the fault, if ever that fallen angel "Diplomacy," shall convert the garden of their culture into the field of their strife and the scene of their woe. Again be it said, there can arise no antagonism in the East between France and Britain, except by shortsightedness and mismanagement, which would be treason alike to either nation. Let them begin by crowning that union, mutually cemented in their noblest blood, by justice to those, the inoffensive, the suffering, and the oppressed, whom it was their mission to free, to rescue, and restore. Then, and then only, will they who have freed the spoiler's captive begin to learn her value, her beauty, and her promise. No prouder record can France and England now inscribe on their medals of victory; no firmer motto for their alliance, or watchword for their friendship's rallying - point (higher title than "Alma," ""Sebastopool," or "Cronstadt," on their conquering flags) than that glorious maxim, immortalised by Rome's greatest poet, which to them will be safety against every peril, and which was to Rome the secret of her progress, the source of her power, and the cohesive bord of her unparalleled permanence :—

"Hæ tibi erunt artes: pacisque imponere normam ; Parcere devictis, et debellare superbos."