internal relations. These in a free state can never be constant; and whatever may be the value of a name, or however expressive a particular “cry” may once have been, the one ceases to have signification, the other loses all power, whenever they come to tell different tales to the ears and minds of leaders and followers. If the trumpet give an uncertain sound, who shall prepare himself to the battle? If neither flag nor uniform be visible, the fight will be a confused melée, in which friends will fall by each other's hands. We confess we do see such faults and such results of them in the tactics of the Opposition during the past session, and, frankly, we hope for no better strategy in the next, unless the evil be thoroughly apprehended in the mean. time by those whose position affords them the opportunity of undertaking a command. If the Conservative party shall appear at the opening of the session of 1855 in no better state of discipline than they have shown in the course of that of 1854-if they shall be then ununited in the pursuit of a definite object-if the captains shall rush on with shouts the meaning of which is forgotten-if the host shall find themselves obliged in the heat of a fight of opinion to rally around the banner of an officer of the enemy, and shall under it gallantly rout their own commanders: should all this happen, the question of who is to carry on the Queen's Government will be as uncertain a year hence as it is now. And how shall a change be effected, if the necessity for it be not known? It is on this ground we presume to speak frankly and fully. We tell of errors of design and execution with a view to their being avoided for the future. We point out examples of miscalcu lation and ignorance of the state of public opinion, in the hope that blun ders committed may be corrected under the influence of knowledge. Thus influenced, then, we are forced to admit that many of the faults of the Ministry seem to us to have been closely imitated by the Opposition. There was the same deficiency of definite purpose or principle, the same failure of unity, the same fidgety inclination to do something, right or wrong, and yet the same faintheartedness at the crisis of performance. Throughout the session there was a continual niggling at the outworks of the Papal power; and, with such results as showed the strength of the Protestant feeling of the country to be irresistible, yet no enterprise worthy of that strength was undertaken. Roman Catholic gaol chaplains were hit, and a few hundred pounds were cut off the Maynooth grant; but, when opportunities of taking a firm stand against ultramontane aggression offered they were suffered to pass away unused. When Sergeant Shee made his attack upon the Irish Church, more might have been effected towards the consolidation of a Conservative party, and the raising of a bulwark of Protestant, ay, and of Roman Catholic freedom, by the proposal by an Opposition leader of an amendment, conveying the sense of the House as to the true meaning of the Roman Catholic oath, than could be effected by a hundred irritating divisions on convent regulation bills, or proposals for the impossible restric tion by law of priestly influence over the consciences and estates of dying sinners. Again the family jars of the Ministry were represented on the Opposition boards with no less damaging effect, though necessarily without the noise or scandal of an official quarrel. The separation of the leaders from their followers upon the occasion of the virtual ratification of a solemn league and covenant between the various sections of English Protestants, effected by Mr. Heywood in his successful proposal for the admission of Dissenters to the University of Oxford, was no less remarkable than the affairs Palmerston a. Baines; or Palmerston a. Wilson; or the Duke of Newcastle against the field of his colleagues, in the matter of the expenses clause of the Bribery Bill. We can avouch, from personal observation, that no more absurd, or ridicu lous, or humiliating position could have been occupied by party leaders, than that which was most recklessly, and, we must add, ignorantly, taken up by Messrs. Henley, Walpole, and T. Baring, upon the occasion of the committal of the Russian Government Securities Bill, when the two firstnamed of those gentlemen were oblig. ed, multum gemens, to walk after their followers in an ovation, in which the voices of these latter hailed Lord Palmerston as the champion of Britain against Russia. Surely, men who could have committed so grave a mis take as this need enlightenment. They need it not more to all appearance than does their chief, who, in the House of Lords, courted a signal defeat in an endeavour to reverse that decision joined in by so many of his partisans in the House of Commons, with respect to the admission of Dissenters to the University to which we have already referred. We must not dismiss this topic without recording the fact, that some of the truest, and most consistent, and most prominent of our Irish Conservative members kept themselves clear of the blunder into which the occupants of the first Opposition bench would have led them, and, upon the two occasions of Mr. Heywood's amendment and the committal of the Russian Securities Bill, took their places manfully upon the broad Protestant and British platform, and in opposition to the Pope, the Czar, and their own leaders. Does any one ask for illustrations of the influence upon the Opposition leaders of the magic formula, "Something must be done;" or of their faint-heartedness, "letting I dare not wait upon I would"? They may be found, passim, throughout the pages of Hansard; and very modern instances present themselves, in connexion with the vote for the expenses of the new Secretary for War's office, and with that of credit for three millions. Upon both these occasions, arising so near the end of the session, it was formally announced that something must be done, and the party was called together, but no fight was On the made upon either vote. occasion of the latter, Lord Dudley Stuart was very shabbily deserted, after he had been, as we have good reason for believing, encouraged to propose an amendment to pledge the Government to convene Parliament in the autumn, and thus in effect to refuse to them the confidence of the House of Commons in relation to the conduct of the war. It is very far indeed from our object to find fault unnecessarily with the Opposition leaders, or to multiply our animadversions upon their proceedings, beyond that point at which it may be hoped that useful knowledge will be communicated, and wrong impressions as to the state of public opinion removed. It is with pleasure, therefore, we turn to other occurrences of the 381 session, in reference to which we can was semi-officially made of a plan of at- 66 "Observe this stroke," said Jack, showing his bare shoulders; "a plaguy janissary gave it me this very morn TO CORRESPONDENTS. THE Editor of THE DUBLIN UNIVERSITY MAGAZINE begs to notify that he will not undertake to return, or be accountable for, any manuscripts forwarded to him for perusal. A PILGRIMAGE TO THE LAND OF LEIX AND OSSORY. MOSSES UPON GRAVE-STONES. CHAPTERS XVII.-XX.. THE THREE MR. SMITHS.-A SCENE IN THE FAR-WEST. BY JONATHAN FREKE MISCELLANEA LITERARIA.-No. III. PLAGIARISM AND IMITATION-ON CARELESS PUNCTUATION-ANTIPATHIES-LITERARY BLUNDERS-A PARLOUR WINDOW BOOK OUR HARVEST HOME. INDIAN LEISURE; PETRARCH-NIGHT AND THE SOUL- ALPINE LYRICS THE FRIENDS -HEART HISTORIES MORBIDA; OR, PASSION DUBLIN JAMES MCGLASHAN, 50 UPPER SACKVILLE-STREET. SOLD BY ALL BOOKSELLERS. |