conformable to your ideas of it; ideas of it; and to pay a proper

and just attention in matters relative to general warrants," &c. I told his Grace, that if the seconding

by several of the principal assemblies, and the clamour and indignation against it were vehement. But Mr. Grenville was

not thereby deterred from persevering in his system. In the February of this year, fifty-five resolutions of the committee of ways and means were agreed to by the House of Commons, and afterwards incorporated into an act of parliament, for laying nearly the same stamp duties on the colonies in America, as were payable in England; which act passed both Houses with little opposition, except from General Conway and Colonel Barré; Mr. Pitt being at this time confined to his bed with indisposition, and totally unable to attend. "As to the fact of a strenuous opposition to the stamp act," says Mr. Burke, in his celebrated speech on American taxation, "I sat in your gallery when it was under consideration. Far from any thing inflammatory, I never heard a more languid debate in this house: no more than two or three gentlemen, as I remember, spoke against the act, and that with great reserve and remarkable temper. There was but one division in the whole progress of this bill; and the minority did not reach to more than thirty or forty. In the House of Lords, I do not recollect that there was any debate or division at all. I am sure there was no protest. In fact, the affair passed with so very, very little noise, that in town they scarcely knew the nature of what you were doing."

When intelligence reached New York, that this act had received the royal assent, the feeling of indignation was universal and excessive. The act was reprinted with a death's-head affixed, instead of the royal arms, and hawked in the streets, under the title of "England's folly and America's ruin;" the guns at Philadelphia were spiked; at Boston, the colours of the shipping were hoisted half-mast high, and the church bells were muffled, and tolled a funeral knell. Associations were formed in all parts of America, for the encouragement of domestic manufactures, and against the use of those imported from Great Britain. To preclude the use of stamps, proceedings in the courts of justice were suspended. In the assembly of Virginia,

such address was only a matter of form, I thought it would come better from a younger man, and of more distinction, than myself; that however, with his Grace's permission, I would consider of it, and would give my answer on Wednesday. His Grace concluded with saying, that the motive for desiring this of me, was to have the sanction of an independent man at their setting out.

Now Sir, trifling as this point is in general, yet, in its consequence, it is very material to me; and therefore you will forgive my taking this advantage of the good-will you have expressed towards me, to beg your opinion, what is right to do. Firmly convinced of your abilities and integrity, I look up to you for the rule and conduct of my political life. Were you at the head of affairs, the pride of my heart would be to be known and distinguished as your devoted friend. On the other hand, as the ministry are now composed

which happened to be then sitting, the subject was eagerly introduced; and one of its members, Patrick Henry*, after declaiming against the measures of the present reign, exclaimed, "Cæsar had his Brutus, Charles the First his Oliver Cromwell, and George the Third his -." Upon which there was a cry of" treason!" and the speaker called him to order. In August, the storm burst with violence. Private houses and public offices were pillaged; and the proceedings were so alarming, as to occasion the resignation of those who were appointed to distribute the stamps. Such was the intelligence which reached England, a few days previous to the meeting of parliament.

* Patrick Henry, of Virginia, was a leading member of the American congress. He died in 1797. Lord Byron styles him,

"the forest-born Demosthenes,

Whose thunder shook the Philip of the seas,"

I do not wish to take any part that has the appearance of connection, where you are not connected.

Pray, Sir, give me one line of advice; I have not a wish of my own, and could very readily have given my negative, but chose first to communicate this to you, for whom I have long and ever shall retain the most perfect esteem; who am

Your most faithful and

most obliged humble servant, GEORGE COOoke.

I hope for the honour of an answer by the return

of the post.

MR. PITT TO GEORGE COOKE, ESQ.

MY DEAR SIR,

Bath, December 7, 1765.

TRULY sensible of the many proofs of

your kind friendship, I will venture to do, what I generally wish to avoid even when asked, that is, obey your commands in offering my advice to you upon the matters you propose. I confess it appears to me, that nothing would be less suited to your situation, or your opinions of men, than to be held out to the world as connected with the Duke of Newcastle; who, in my poor judgment, will render impossible any solid system for the settlement of this distracted country, as long as his Grace's influence predominates. What his Grace proposes to you is

nothing but a little artifice, to hold out to the public an appearance of connection where he knows he has none, and I know he never shall have any. When his Grace does me the honour to say that any thing is, "exactly conformable to my ideas," he is pleased to use the name of a man, who has never communicated his ideas to the Duke of Newcastle upon the present state of affairs; and who is finally resolved never to be in confidence or concert again with his Grace. Whenever my ideas, in their true and exact dimensions, reach the public, I shall lay them before the world myself,

In the mean time, be assured, my dear Sir, that I do not form the least wish to withhold you, or any friend, from taking any step your own judgment or inclination may lead to. I only mean, being asked my thoughts, to say frankly, that I shall never depart from the principles, and system of measures, in which I have been so often sacrificed by the Duke of Newcastle, nor accede to his Grace's ministry, because he, occasionally, is pleased to adopt, in words, and to mar in effect, any parts of that system, which he has first subverted. My paper grows full, and a folio would not be too large to tell you with what affectionate esteem,

I am ever, dear Sir,

most faithfully yours,

WILLIAM PITT.

GEORGE COOKE, ESQ. TO MR. PITT.

DEAR SIR,

Lincoln's-inn Fields, December 10, 1765.

How good you are! A thousand and a thousand thanks for your kind favour of the 7th instant. I have no wish for a connection with any one but yourself, and can boast of little merit, except the being truly sensible of yours. No one living knows that I wrote to you on the subject: my conduct will best express my gratitude. I did not sufficiently explain myself, when I made use of the expression, "exactly conformable to your ideas." His Grace, in the conference I had with him, never once mentioned your name, or alluded to your sentiments; and I made use of those words, in my letter to you, to show you, that he thought of the American affairs, with respect to the stamp duty, in the same light that you considered them, when I had the honour of some conversation with you at Burton Pynsent on that subject. I hope it is unnecessary to add, that I never make use of your name in vain or idle talk, much less never repeat any discourse you are so good as to oblige me with.

I shall rejoice to hear of your health being entirely restored, and that Lady Chatham and your charming little family are quite well; who am, with unalterable esteem and the sincerest regard, dear Sir, your most faithful and

Most obliged humble servant,

GEORGE COOKE.