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emperor's absence, the Latins revered him as their temporal chief.79 His exploits were not adequate to his fame. Philip was brave, but the statesman predominated in his character; he was soon weary of sacrificing his health and interest on a barren coast; the surrender of Acre became the signal of his (July, 1191) departure: nor could he justify this unpopular desertion by leaving the duke of Burgundy, with five hundred knights and ten thousand foot, for the service of the Holy Land. The King of England, though inferior in dignity, surpassed his rival in wealth and military renown; 80 and, if heroism be confined to brutal and ferocious valour, Richard Plantagenet will stand high among the heroes of the age. The memory of Coeur de Lion, of the lion-hearted prince, was long dear and glorious to his English subjects; and, at the distance of sixty years, it was celebrated in proverbial sayings by the grandsons of the Turks and Saracens against whom he had fought: his tremendous name was employed by the Syrian mothers to silence their infants; and, if an horse suddenly started from the way, his rider was wont to exclaim, “Dost thou think King Richard is in that bush ? ” 81 His cruelty to the Mahometans was the effect of temper and zeal; but I cannot believe that a soldier, so free and fearless in the use of his lance, would have descended to whet a dagger against his valiant brother, Conrad of Montferrat, who was slain at Tyre by some secret assassins. 82 After (A.D. 1192) the surrender of Acre and the departure of Philip, the king of England led the crusaders to the recovery of the sea-coast; and the cities of Cæsarea and Jaffa were added to the fragments
79 Magnus hic apud eos, interque reges eorum tum virtute, tum majestate eminens . . . summus rerum arbiter (Bobadin, p. 159). He does not seem to have known the names either of Philip or Richard.
80 Rex Angliæ præstrenuus . rege Gallorum minor apud eos censebatur ratione regni atque dignitatis ; sed tum divitiis florentior, tum bellicâ virtute multo erat celebrior (Bohadin, p. 161). A stranger might admire those riches; the astional historians will tell with what lawless and wasteful oppression they were collected.
12 Joinville, p. 17. Cuides-tu que ce soit le roi Richart ?
* Yet he was guilty in the opinion of the Moslems, who attest the confession of the assassins that they were sent by the king of England (Bohadin, p. 225); and his only defence is an absurd and palpable forgery (Hist. de l'Académie des Inscriptions, tom. xvi. p. 155-163), a pretended letter from the prince of the assassins, the Sheich, or old man of the mountain, who justified Richard, by assuming to himself the guilt or merit of the murder. (For the forged letter see Röhricht, Regesta Regni Hierosol. 715. Op. Itin. regis Ric. V. c. 26, where the old man of the mountain is called Senior de Musse, i.e., of Masyāf, a fort of the Assassins in the Ansariya Mts. See S. Guyard, Un grand-maitre des Assassins.]
of the kingdom of Lusignan. A march of one hundred miles (At Agca from Acre to Ascalon was a great and perpetual battle of A.D. 1199]" eleven days.83 In the disorder of his troops, Saladin remained [Battle of on the field with seventeen guards, without lowering his stanSept. 7, a.d. dard or suspending the sound of his brazen kettle-drum: he
again rallied and renewed the charge; and his preachers or heralds called aloud on the Unitarians manfully to stand up against the Christian idolaters. But the progress of these idolaters was irresistible; and it was only by demolishing the walls and buildings of Ascalon that the sultan could prevent them from occupying an important fortress on the confines of Egypt. During a severe winter the armies slept; but in the spring the Franks advanced within a day's march of Jerusalem, under the leading standard of the English king; and his active spirit intercepted a convoy, or caravan, of seven thousand camels. Saladin 84 had fixed his station in the holy city; but the city
was struck with consternation and discord : he fasted; he prayed ; June, a.d. he preached; he offered to share the dangers of the siege; but
his Mamalukes, who remembered the fate of their companions at Acre, pressed the sultan with loyal or seditious clamours to preserve his person and their courage for the future defence of the religion and empire.85 The Moslems were delivered by the sudden or, as they deemed, the miraculous retreat of the Christians; 86 and the laurels of Richard were blasted by the prudence or envy of his companions. The hero, ascending an hill, and veiling his face, exclaimed with an indignant voice, “Those who are unwilling to rescue, are unworthy to view, the sepulchre of Christ !” After his return to Acre, on the news that Jaffa was surprised by the sultan, he sailed with some merchant vessels, and leaped foremost on the beach; the castle
83 [The march was 60 miles from Acre to Jaffa, where there was a long balt. Richard approached twice within sight of Jerusalem, Jan. and June, 1192.)
84 See the distress and pious firmness of Saladin, as they are described by Bobadin (p. 7-9; 235-237), who himself harangued the defenders of Jerusalem. Their fears were not unknown to the enemy (Jacob. & Vitriaco, 1. i. o. 100, p. 1133; Vinisauf, 1. v. c. 50, p. 399).
85 Yet, unless the sultan, or an Ayoubite prince, remained in Jerusalem, nec Curdi Turcis, neo Turci essent obtemperaturi Curdis (Bobadin, p. 236). He draws aside a corner of the political curtain.
86 Bohadin (p. 237), and even Jeffrey de Vinisauf (l. vi. c. 1.8, p. 403-409), ascribe the retreat to Richard himself; and Jacobus a Vitriaco observes that, in his impatience to depart, in alterum virum mutatus est (p. 1123). Yet Joinville, s French knight, accuses the envy of Hugh, duke of Burgundy (p. 116), without supposing, like Matthew Paris, that he was bribed by Saladin.
was relieved by his presence; and sixty thousand Turks and Saracens fled before his arms. The discovery of his weakness provoked them to return in the morning; scia and they found
Stis him carelessly encamped before the gates with only seventeen knights and three hundred archers. Without counting their numbers, he sustained their charge ; and we learn from the evidence of his enemies, that the king of England, grasping his lance, rode furiously along their front, from the right to the left wing, without meeting an adversary who dared to encounter his career. S
Am I writing the history of Orlando or Amadis ?
and deparbetween the Franks and the Moslems was started, and continued, tura. and broken, and again resumed, and again broken. Some acts tember of royal courtesy, the gift of snow and fruit, the exchange of Norway hawks and Arabian horses, softened the asperity of religious war: from the vicissitude of success the monarchs might learn to suspect that Heaven was neutral in the quarrel; nor, after the trial of each other, could either hope for a decisive victory. The health both of Richard and Saladin appeared to be in a declining state; and they respectively suffered the evils of distant and domestic warfare: Plantagenet was impatient to punish a perfidious rival who had invaded Normandy in his
A.D. 1192, Sep
in (Not exactly: four days later.]
87 The expeditions to Ascalon, Jerusalem, and Jaffa are related by Bohadin (p. 184-249) and Abulfeda (p. 51, 52). The author of the Itinerary, or the monk of St. Albans, cannot exaggerate the Cadhi's account of the prowess of Richard (Vinisauf, I. vi. c. 14-24, p. 412-421; (Matthew Paris), Hist. Major, p. 137-143); and on the whole of this war there is a marvellous agreement between the Christian and Mahometan writers, who mutually praise the virtues of their enemies. [For Jaffa cp. the Chron. Anglicanum of Ralph of Coggeshall (Rolls Series), who was informed by Hugh Neville, an eye-witness.)
88 See the progress of negotiation and hostility, in Bohadin (p. 207-260), who was himself an actor in the treaty. Richard declared his intention of returning with new armies to the conquest of the Holy Land ; and Saladin answered the menace with a civil compliment (Vinisauf, 1. vi. c. 28, p. 423).
89 The most copious and original account of this holy war is Galfridi a Vinisauf Itinerarium Regis Anglorum Richardi et aliorum in Terram Hierosolymorum, in six books, published in the ind volume of Gale's Scriptores Hist. Anglicanæ (p. 247-429). [This work is still sometimes referred to under the name of Geoffrey Vinsaul, though Stubbs (who has edited it for the Rolls Series under the title Itinerarium Regis Ricardi, 1864) has demonstrated that it is not his work. It was written by an eye-witness of the capture of Jerusalem, and published between 1200 and 1220 (Stabbs, op. cit., Introduction, p. Lxx.); and Stubbs advocates the author. ship of a certain Richard, canon of the Holy Trinity in Aldgate (op. App. 1).] Roger Hoveden (ed. Stubbs, 4 vols., 1868-71) and Matthew Paris (ed. Luard, 7 vols., 1872-83) afford likewise many valuable materials ; and the former describes with accuracy the discipline and navigation of the English fleet. [Add Ralph of Coggeshall, Rolls Series ; cp. Appendix 1.)
absence; and the indefatigable sultan was subdued by the cries of the people, who was the victim, and of the soldiers, who were the instruments, of his martial zeal. The first demands of the king of England were the restitution of Jerusalem, Palestine, and the true cross; and he firmly declared that himself and his brother-pilgrims would end their lives in the pious labour, rather than return to Europe with ignominy and remorse. But the conscience of Saladin refused, without some weighty compensation, to restore the idols, or promote the idolatry, of the Christians: he asserted, with equal firmness, his religious and civil claim to the sovereignty of Palestine; descanted on the importance and sanctity of Jerusalem; and rejected all terms of the establishment, or partition, of the Latins. The marriage which Richard proposed, of his sister with the sultan's brother, was defeated by the difference of faith ; the princess abhorred the embraces of a Turk; and Adel, or Saphadin, would not easily renounce a plurality of wives. A personal interview was declined by Saladin, who alleged their mutual ignorance of each other's language ; 89a and the negotiation was managed with much art and delay by their interpreters and envoys.
The final agreement was equally disapproved by the zealots of both parties, by the Roman pontiff, and the caliph of Bagdad. It was stipulated that Jerusalem and the holy sepulchre should be open, without tribute or vexation, to the pilgrimage of the Latin Christians; that, after the demolition of Ascalon, they should inclusively possess the sea coast from Jaffa to Tyre; that the count of Tripoli and the prince of Antioch should be comprised in the truce; and that, during three years and three months, all hostilities should cease. The principal chiefs of the two armies swore to the observance of the treaty; but the monarchs were satisfied with giving their word and their right hand ; and the royal Majesty was excused from an oath, which always implies some suspicion of falsehood and dishonour. Richard embarked for Europe, to seek a long captivity and a premature grave; and the space of a few months concluded the life and glories of Saladin. The Orientals describe his edifying death, which happened at Damascus; but they seem ignorant of the equal
89[Not the reason assigned. Saladin alleged unwillingness to fight with a king after a friendly interview.]